All right, y'all, welcome back to the show.
It's anti-war radio.
I'm Scott Horton and our first guest on the show today is my buddy, Charles Goyette.
He used to be America's most independent talk show host.
Now he's not a talk show host anymore.
Well, maybe he's a talk show host in waiting to get back on the radio, but he's the New York Times bestselling author.
He wrote a big yellow book you can find at your local bookstore called the Dollar Meltdown.
It's big and it's yellow and it has a melting dollar on the front.
And I highly recommend it.
It's absolutely great.
And his new one coming out in the spring is called Red and Blue and Broke All Over.
You can read all about him at CharlesGoyette.com.
Welcome back to the show, Chuck.
How are you doing, man?
Scott, great to speak with you, as always.
Very happy to have you here.
Big doings and goings on and all them complicated financial thingamajigs on the TV there.
Something about how every central bank in the West all came together to bail out the euro again yesterday.
Is that right?
Yeah, sure.
I mean, you know what it is?
It's the Bush's $700 billion bailout.
It's all of these things are one variation or another on what we do here in the United States on tarping, on liquidity operations.
They're all the same thing traveling under different names.
But here's, I mean, here's how you cut the mustard on something like this.
You look at TARP.
Did it do anything to ease the debt crisis?
No.
Did it do anything for the real estate market for housing?
No.
Did it do anything for unemployment?
No.
So who benefited?
Well, Wall Street benefited.
Oh, sure.
Great for the stock market when the Dow was down around $6,000, wasn't it?
So it's the same thing, you know, going on around the world.
And of course, I mean, it reminds me actually, Scott, of that joke that's making the rounds now.
You have a Greek, an Italian, and a Spaniard walk into a bar who picks up the tab.
The Americans do.
Right.
Yeah, exactly.
Yeah.
That's funny.
All right.
Well, so now, I don't know, help me get my head around just how big this crisis is as far as, you know, for example, the Greek debt.
They have, what, a hundred years worth of debt.
They can't possibly pay it off.
So the people who work every day in Arkansas have to?
Yeah, sure.
Of course.
I mean, it's always the same thing.
It's here, here, let's cut, let's cut to the chase on this one, too.
The debts are very real.
People have borrowed money that they cannot pay back.
So somebody will eat that loss.
I mean, the debts will be, you know, there will be a reckoning.
There will be an accounting of those debts.
And it's simply a question at this point.
It's not a question that the debts can be made to go away.
It is only a question of who will pay it.
And by pay it, I don't mean in a, you know, responsible way, the way that you pay your bills, or I might pay mine in making everything right.
It's, you know, there's a loss involved here.
Somebody has to be the recipient of the loss.
Somebody's pocket is picked.
So is it, is it the people who loaned money irresponsibly?
Is it the banking community who have a monopoly to loan money?
They loan money to these sovereign governments, as foolish as that may be, um, who, who, who ended up taking the loss for their irresponsible banking activities, or is the loss transferred to people like you and me, to the citizens of Germany, to the citizens of Arkansas and the rest of the people?
Well, and that's what makes the loans not foolish is because they have the green span put.
They know that once you're a certain level of billionaire, the national government, the United States will never let you go out of business.
Right.
It is, it's, it's not foolish.
As long as we put up with it.
Yeah.
Well, now in the creature from Jekyll Island, As long as we're willing to go out and be fleeced like this, it's a very good deal for the bankers.
No question.
Yeah.
Well, you know, in the creature from Jekyll Island, which I read years and years ago, Ed Griffin has it that this entire system, the name of the game is bailout.
It really should be the name of the book, I think.
And although Jekyll Island makes it sound more interesting, I don't know.
But he says it's always, this game is always about rolling over the dead onto the American people.
And that even if we look at say, you know, economic hitman style, IMF loans to poor countries, and then they say, oh, you can't pay, you know, they bribed the dictator with a Swiss bank account into getting the country into way more debt than the people could ever pay.
And then they steal all their water and, and whatever as collateral, that even all of those debts, all that gangsterism, eventually it all gets rolled over onto the American people.
All these debts end up being, quote unquote, forgiven or bailed out.
And it always comes back to the taxpayers of Kansas.
Always.
It always does.
And it's by design.
And it's, I mean, it's, it's no mystery.
And you're right, Ed covers this well, well in his book.
I mean, the, you know, the Federal Reserve is a creation of a banking cartel to do what?
To protect the banking cartel.
And, you know, every time, I don't know what it is, is it a congenital failure in the, uh, the part of the American people so bright, maybe it's too much public education, but, you know, they, they are victimized by this same con.
So help me, Scott.
It's like, you walk down, you walk down Broadway, you're standing there by Times Square and you get taken by a, you know, a three card modi game.
And so you turn the corner and you're taken by a shell game.
So you turn the corner, you play another for the, you get taken by, I mean, when do we ever learn?
And it, it, in, uh, in red and blue and broke all over the new book that comes out in March, I've written about how, you know, the, the, the, uh, the mortgage meltdown in 2008 was the archetypal economic event that characterized all of these things.
You saw it, it wrote everything large.
It painted, it painted all of these things, the wealth transfer involved in the venality involved, the politicians, all of those things in such bright colors that it couldn't be missed.
And, uh, you know, as though, as though something like this was so archetypally perfect in every detail that an author like me would want to tell that it's like, it's never happened again.
It will never happen.
There's never happened in the past, but it has, it happened in 1995.
And as long as we're talking about, uh, you know, as long as we're talking here in, uh, in a political election year, you might as well point the finger where, where it should be at that.
Dowie faced Newt Gingrich when, uh, when, uh, the Mexico bailout took place, Pat Buchanan was the American people were just as against it as they were against Bush's bailout.
And, uh, Pat Buchanan was calling it Goldman Sachsonomics, which is exactly what it was.
Goldman Sachs, Robert Rubin, by the way, was, had been Goldman Sachs investment banker when he was at Goldman Sachs, he'd been the investment banker for the country of Mexico, their lead guy, and now he is here in the treasury and, uh, you know, they're designing a bailout for Mexico.
Well, who are they bailing out?
Are they bailing out Mexican citizens?
No, they're bailing out the holders of these bonds of which Goldman Sachs itself and its own portfolio may have had, had as many as, as $5 billion.
So it goes to Congress, Congress votes, no bailout.
We're not giving away the money.
So what, what happens?
The administration starts finding places where, you know, where, where the vault doors aren't locked, that it can give away money, gives away money to And, um, who helped in defiance of his own new congressional majority, the 1994 congressional majority that came in with the contract with America, who, who had voted against bailing out Mexico, really bailing out Goldman Sachs and its clients, which held these bonds that Mexico could not afford to repay, um, who helped Clinton put the package together to, uh, to bail out Mexico and Goldman Sachs, it was Newt Gingrich.
Hmm.
You know, it's all, it's there.
And, and so here are the people, I remember that they had gone around the Congress and that Clinton just had, uh, Alan Greenspan do it without the Congress appropriating money.
But I didn't know about Gingrich's role.
Yeah, I think, I think Gingrich's specific role was he showing them how to use or calling to their attention, the, uh, exchange stabilization fund, which is a, you know, uh, uh, foreign currency, uh, speculating fund or, or, uh, interference fund that the federal government maintained, but they used all of these things.
And, um, and Newt Gingrich was, was right there on board.
But I mean, you fast forward now, you know, to 2010, we had an election two years ago and, uh, the American people said, well, we don't really, we don't really understand what, what all these, this, this high flying finances about, you know, bailouts, stimulus packages.
And we don't know exactly how it works, but, but we know we don't like it.
So we're going to link up arms around the country and we're going to go on the internet with signs that tell bankers in wall street to jump.
And, and, and we're going to form tea parties and we're going to have demonstrations.
And so they did, and they ended up blowing out members of Congress and the Senate too, for that matter, because of the bailout issue.
And now those same people are the ones rallying around Newt Gingrich.
Of course, of course.
So, so what is it?
Is there any hope for such a country?
I mean, you know, on the Republican side, they laugh as they should at Nancy Pelosi, who says, oh, we have to pass this mammoth status healthcare bill to find out what's in it.
How insane is that?
But how insane, how dysfunctional are, is the conservative movement rallying around Newt Gingrich with the conservative movement got a, a, you know, what up?
It's, you know, what about the bailouts?
And that was going to support the guy that helped drive the, uh, the, the dress rehearsal for the Bush bailouts.
Oh man.
All right.
Hold it right there, Chuck.
We got to go out to this break.
It's Charles Goyette, everybody.
Charles Goyette.com.
The dollar meltdown is the book.
All right, y'all.
Welcome back to the show.
It's anti-war radio.
I'm Scott Horton.
I'm talking with Charles Goyette about the, uh, economic situation.
Now this new bailout of, uh, the, uh, Europeans that took place yesterday.
How much was this?
It was, uh, what America and Britain and Germany bailing out the rest of Europe.
Is that how it is?
Yeah, in my view, it's, you know, on the scale of things in the, uh, compared to the scope of the, uh, you know, the freedom of information document dumps that we're getting from, uh, from the federal reserve, the, uh, 7.77 trillion dollar story we got the other day, the $16 trillion story, all of these, uh, unsupervised hidden, closed away, uh, secret operations of the fed.
This is in my view, this is actually pretty small, but, uh, everything that the fed does look, I think the only way this can be described as this, the fed doesn't, it doesn't have any money.
It doesn't, I mean, it doesn't make any products or sell anything.
You know, it doesn't, uh, it doesn't own any, uh, any assets like a company that makes something that does it.
So the only money that it has, the only favors that it could do for other central bankers or for private banks is, uh, is with money that it has created out of thin air that didn't exist that morning.
So when it creates a currency swap, all it really all effectively that it really is doing is growing the adjusted monetary base and the adjusted monetary base has swollen from by about $2 trillion since the mortgage meltdown in 2008.
I mean, it was running around 800 billion.
It's probably 2.2 0.8 trillion now in just a couple of years.
And as I've described it in the dollar meltdown, that money just sits there.
And, uh, it's sort of, it's sort of humming.
The best analogy I could come up with Scott is to say it's like a race car at the starting line.
And the, uh, you know, the driver's sitting there and he's, you know, racing the engine and when the light hits green, he's ready to go.
So it's red light, red light, red light, red light, suddenly green.
And so the Fed has created all of this money, but they're paying the banks to just keep the money at the Fed and not do anything with it yet.
But what is it?
That's the light turning green though.
When the light turns green, the driver pops the clutch and everything goes screaming down the raceway in a cloud of smoke and burning rubber.
Yeah.
But doesn't the light turning green mean when the economy actually starts picking back up again and how the hell is it going to do that?
When the economy starts picking back up again, when banks start loaning, this monetary base grows by a practice, well, let's call it by exponential factors because of our fractional reserve banking.
Yeah.
But what I'm asking is how's it ever going to start growing again?
As long as they keep propping up bad debt, watch all this new money.
Well, well, watch because they are goosing the money supply.
They're goosing them to like crazy.
I mean, in the last, just off the top of my head, having eyeballed the chart last week, I would say that M2 has grown at about a probably 15% rate over the last month or so, 10% over the last quarter for sure, as compared to three or 4%.
So, you know, Bernanke's out there, you know, shoveling money into the system and you see incipient signs of this.
They're trying, they're trying to create another little mini artificial boom and an artificial boom if they are successful in the first and second quarter of the new year.
And I believe that they, you know, there are signs that they already are at this manipulated, you know, contrived little, uh, it's like giving, you know, given a coke head, another little, another little fix, you know, it makes them feel really good.
So all of a sudden people, Oh, the economy, classic malinvestment, Oh, the economy is doing better.
They shoved the money into the economy.
People start doing things, buying things, making longer term plans, thinking that, uh, you know, that we're resilient, that it's green shoots.
You remember what they told us?
Oh, we got green shoots.
It was a win 2010.
Oh, green shoots everywhere.
Bernanke saw green shoots.
The economy was in recovery.
Not so, but they shoved this money into the system to create the illusion.
They think that, uh, you know, somehow the economy will pick itself up by its own bootstraps.
If they can create the illusion of prosperity by goosing them to which they are doing today.
And so there are some signs that this is already beginning to work.
And, um, you know, at, at that point, when it looks as though it's beginning to work, then bank lending starts again.
And, uh, you know, the monetary base begins to multiply and, Oh my God.
Well, but then once all that price inflation starts hitting, then they'll have to raise interest rates, right?
Well, of course.
Well, the market will raise interest rates, right?
You know, even if, even if they don't, you know, they don't, you know, their, their desire is, is not to do so because, uh, you know, they, that, they know that that will, uh, that will choke off the recovery that they strained so mightily to give birth to the mouse, that they, the mouse of a recovery that they strained to give birth to.
It's all illusion though.
Well, you know, I think this is why Robert Higgs said that he's, you know, he didn't dismiss it as a worry entirely or anything, but he said that he didn't think there would be hyperinflation, you know, you know, Weimar style hyperinflation, that kind of thing, because once the price inflation really starts hitting and the interest rates start going up, then the payments on the national debt every year will be enough that it'll basically force the Congress to start making cuts.
They won't have any choice whatsoever because, you know, we can pay, uh, you know, like say back in the eighties, we could pay a, uh, 15% interest rate.
The government could afford to pay a 15% interest rate on a national debt of a trillion dollars or so.
Now it's 15 trillion.
They can't pay more than 1% interest on that.
Well, they, they can't pay it.
Okay.
So this, all of this though, presume Scott, you're presuming that they will make meaningful cuts in entitlements and, uh, that they will, uh, they will find new sources of revenue.
Well, I mean, the only other choice is to completely destroy their own empire, to basically turn this country into Zimbabwe or Argentina and watch everything fall in the American star.
Of course.
But the, the objective is to keep the game going as long as they can, you know, in the long run, we're all dead, said Cain's and, uh, you know, have you seen any action?
Look, I'll tell you something.
If you want to see America's future, you want to see the dress rehearsal.
You just watch the way the debt crisis is, uh, is unfolding in Europe every day, there's a new rescue.
Oh, the Germans are good, but wait, the Greeks are going to take a haircut, then everything will be okay.
And it's, we've put a ring around the problem and the ring is constrained to Greece.
Oh, well, you know, it's not constrained to wait a minute.
And then, and then you're talking to all the Germans, the Germans are going to eat it all.
They're going to eat the loss and then everything will be fine.
And we'll put another ring around the problem.
And then, then, then they say, Oh, the Chinese, the Chinese are going to ride to our rescue and they're going to reliquify Europe.
None of this is so, and then the next week it's the international monetary fund.
And every time there's a new rescue plan, the stock market rolls up 300 points, you know, it thinks, okay, stuff has been solved today.
None of these things are anything but eyewash for the public.
None of them work.
So this is a dress rehearsal for the United States.
All of these bureaucrats, all of the governing classes, the monetary authorities, the, uh, the banking authorities will continue to do the exact same sort of things that you're seeing in Europe.
They will keep trying to patch it together.
I mean, when, when, when was the last time they came to their senses?
You're telling me that they're going to have an epiphany and they're going to realize that, uh, you know, that, that all of this patchwork stuff that they're doing ultimately is a failure.
All of this, this Keynesian nonsense that they've subscribed to all of their lives is untrue.
They're going to come to their senses.
They're going to ask, act responsibly.
When?
Yeah.
Well, it's mostly, it's mostly, you know, monetarist Chicago school, uh, Keynesianism here kind of right.
Keynesianism at play mostly in it.
I mean, this is where they agree, right.
That what the Fed never did in the depression was print enough money to solve everything.
Yeah.
And I actually write about that a little bit in the new book that, uh, you know, there are, there are seemingly these huge squabbles in, uh, schools of economic thought, you know, the, all the, the, uh, the, the Keynesians, like, uh, the younger professor Galbraith down in Texas.
Oh, his Bettenoir, his, he, he's just the, he hates the monetarists and stuff.
And it's as though there are these mighty distinctions.
Somebody said these academic squabbles sometimes are, are so big because the stakes are so small, but, but what they have in common is more important than these distinctions.
They are both status to the core.
Oh, they both believe in the central bank interventions, one for one purpose or to one extent of one for another.
Oh, they both believe in central banking to begin with.
Oh, they are.
They, they both believe both, both schools of thought think that, uh, you know, wealth can be stolen out of the pockets of the American people for one monetary purpose or one fiscal purpose after another.
So, I mean, they share the same fundamental faith in, in statism and central economic interventionism.
And this is what they have in common.
The ultimate punchline to all of this is Ron Paul is running for president again.
And last time, I mean, if you have to have an economic crisis, it's really unfortunate that it happened three weeks after he dropped out of the race or something, because it was exactly what he was predicting was going to happen.
But, and I don't know how widespread this knowledge is, but it's getting more and more widespread that he predicted the housing.
He explained why it's a bad idea to create a housing bubble because it's going to lead to a housing bust.
Why it's a bad idea to continue to print trillions of dollars to make the bankers whole at the expense of the rest of the people.
The emerging dollar crisis, uh, is the number one most important thing.
And why do they rally around Newt Gingrich?
Why is it?
It isn't because, you know, they like him being a lobbyist for Freddie Mac and making millions of dollars, you know, and pushing Romney care and Obamacare and whatever.
It's the fact that they're scared to death of the Persians.
Oh, boo hoo.
And you can see it in every comment section where anybody says anything pro Ron Paul, someone always shows up and says, oh, but Iran wants to wipe Israel off the map and Iran is going to like Frank Gaffney said, use their one nuke to turn off, which they don't have to turn off the lights in America forever.
And we're all going to die.
Go Gingrich, go.
That's all they have is fear and ignorance, Charles.
Yeah.
And they use it.
They use it very well.
Yeah, they do well.
And it's not just, you know, the people, uh, you know, at the top pushing it, it, the American people, the Republican voter out there loves it.
They would rather be afraid of Iran and get into a war with Iran than say, you know what, maybe I don't have to be afraid.
Maybe I should listen to this guy.
Who's been right about everything all along, but no, they just can't do it.
They'd rather be, it's like going to a scary movie on Friday night.
You know, it's a thrill.
Scott.
It's a, it's like, I was telling somebody the other day to me, it looks like an archetypal of mythological, actually a biblical epic that's going on because here, here's the United States, you know, on the, uh, on the brink of the precipice of, of, uh, plunging into, uh, uh, uh, uh, economic desolation.
And here we are, you know, right on the very, very verge of, of losing our freedom, uh, once and for all, or for very long time, meaning generations.
Here we are right on the, the edge of the cliff.
And at the very last moment, just so things are perfect in kind of a long term sort of biblical literary way.
At the very last moment, the American people are thrown a lifeline and it's a, it's a veritable prophet who told you about invading Iraq.
He told you about the, the, the national security state.
He told you about the economic crisis.
He told you about the federal reserve before all these serial revelations about the trillions they throw around the world to their friends in the international.
But he told you about all, so here's the lifeline of Ron Paul thrown to the American people at the very last moment.
Will they grab it?
And if they don't, well, wouldn't you say in a way that they deserve their fate?
It's a shame, you know, it's hard because I'm such an individualist is the only thing saving me from just being like a Pat Roberts tonight on this issue that like, you know, we deserve to be smoten for the way we've been acting.
It just ain't right.
And you know what?
Like as far as religious people who believe in that kind of thing, I would say, pray for redemption.
You look at the million dead Iraqis.
You look at the tens of thousands of dead Afghans and Pakistanis and Somali.
I mean, what's going on in Somalia right now, if Pat Robertson was right, that like, you know, 9-11 was God's revenge for homosexuality or whatever, then what in the hell is he going to do to us for what we've done to the people of Somalia?
And, and, you know, it is, it's empire is murder, suicide.
And what's funny is everybody learns this as a 10 year old or something, and then everybody still does it anyway, all through human history.
Everybody has every civilization that ever lived before as the teachable moment example of how not to overdo it and blow it.
And then what do they do?
It's the same thing every time.
It's the same thing over every time.
And you don't need the law of karma and you don't need the, you know, divine retribution for these things because they carry, you know, they carry with them the seeds of their own destruction.
I mean, it took, you know, it took a corrupt monetary system in the federal reserve to fund the empire.
And now the empire is, you know, ultimately undermining and destroying the corrupt monetary system that will collapse in a heap of ashes, one another in each other's arms.
The, uh, the, the American military empire and the, the fraudulent American federal reserve fiat monetary system, they, they contain within themselves the seeds of their own destruction.
And it's playing out like a, yeah, it's sort of like a morality play, but it's also, you know, it's also kind of science.
Yeah.
It's prices, man.
That's what Mises would say.
You can only afford to kill so many Muslims before you're broke.
That's basically the bottom line.
We know you just love slaughtering people, but we're running out of money.
Yes.
And for some reason, you know, it doesn't penetrate until it's all over.
I mean, this, this is really the problem.
At what point do the, uh, do the people wake up?
At what point do they understand?
And I, and I know it's frustrating for people like ourselves and all of your listeners that have been champions in big ways and small ways within, within their own families or circles of friends or on a larger scale, been, been champions of freedom, but champions of, of liberty, you know, to be victimized by this collective thing.
But look, I, it's just part of, it's part of the world.
We are all the beneficiaries of, uh, advances in human conditions.
I mean, I, you know, I thank God for modern dentistry, you know, I didn't have anything to do with it.
I don't, I don't own any farmland, but I'm awful glad for all the people that have made so many advances in, uh, in, in farming and, and, uh, so on.
So I'm the beneficiary of all of these things that I had nothing to do with.
And now I guess it balances the scale a little bit because I'm, I will be victimized as well.
All of your listeners by the, uh, congenital foolishness of the American people and their willingness to buy these, uh, you know, one pig in a poke after another from the central authorities.
So all it tells me, all it tells me, the only lesson I can derive from it, Scott, is this, that people like yourself need to redouble their efforts to, uh, awaken their, their fellow human beings to, to what's going on.
I mean, you're doing a great, great job, by the way.
I heard one of your interviews the other day with somebody else.
I just thought it was remarkably, you are so gifted.
Uh, and I'm not trying to blow smoke at you, but I mean, you, you know, more people, more people need to be awakened.
We need to redouble our efforts instead of, you know, saying, well, too bad.
Que sera, sera, we give up.
We need to redouble our efforts.
We need to work just a little bit harder.
We need to keep trying to wake the American people up.
And then whether we're able to, to, to stop the slide off, uh, the precipice into this economic abyss and the loss of our freedom or not, we do know one thing that our efforts cannot be wasted.
I mean, it's something about the, you know, the conservation of intellectual energy, it won't, whatever we are able to accomplish, the people that we are able to awaken, our efforts will not be lost at some point.
Some, some, something will sprout, something will germinate from these seeds, and it may be on the other side of the crisis after we've gone through a hellish period that we wouldn't wish on ourselves, at least, you know, there will be people who have, uh, uh, been awakened and they've understood as events transpired, then really what drove them instead of what the media and the governing classes tell people, uh, is responsible for their, their straightened economic circumstances.
They'll actually know.
And on the other side, maybe be able to, instead of be, uh, victimized by the construction of another socialist, you know, statist, uh, nightmare, maybe they'll be able to reclaim liberty for another few generations until the lessons are forgotten again.
Yeah.
Well, you know, I just reread a Rothbard's piece, left and right, the prospects for liberty from, I think 1965.
And he talks about how, you know, for the libertarian, it's absolutely necessary that we adopt short-term pessimism and long-term optimism.
Because if we're short, if we're optimistic in the short term, we're always going to be disappointed in disillusion and we're going to end up giving up.
So there's every reason to be pessimistic in the short term because everybody's either a Friedmanite or a Keynesian.
Basically we're screwed on this, uh, for now.
However, in the long term, of course, you know, real little L liberalism wins.
You know, we're, it's too late.
You can't take back the Renaissance.
You can't take back the enlightenment.
You can't take back all those things Thomas Jefferson wrote.
You can't take back the ideology of individualism and you can't take back the proof of what it's accomplished for mankind.
And so it's going to keep getting better over the longterm.
You know, uh, ups and downs in the markets aside, it's going to continue to grow exponentially.
All of human history has been two steps forward, one step back.
Why should we be, why should we be any different?
Are we somehow, are we, are we somehow the exceptional nation?
We should be different because we got more books because we have so many examples of what not to do.
We ought to be able to call it off and not fall in the same trap.
But of course we do anyway.
Yeah.
Well, we have, you know, we do have all the good things going on.
We have the decentralization of, of so many things with the decentralization of the media.
Radio show like yours is a perfect example.
Um, antiwar.com is a perfect example.
The internet's a perfect example.
So at least they don't have a chokehold, a death grip on the, the pipeline of news and information the way they used to when there were, you know, two national newspapers and three television networks and so on.
So, you know, in some respects things are a little better, but it's kind of a race and it makes it very dramatic and sort of interesting.
Well, let's see.
Join us again tomorrow, boys and girls to find out whether our hero freedom can be rescued at the, uh, the very last minute.
If the American people can be, uh, uh, you know, it's like high noon.
Can the American people be, uh, driven out of, uh, out of their fear cowering behind the sofa upstairs to take to the streets to protect their liberty, their freedom and their prosperity or not?
We'll, we'll find out in tomorrow's episode.
Yeah, I hope so.
Thank you very much for your time on the show today, Charles.
Appreciate it.
Scott.
Always great to speak with you.
Thank you, buddy.
Everybody.
That's the great Charles Goyette.
His website is charlesgoyette.com.
The book is called the dollar meltdown.
And especially if you happen to be fans of Tom Woods, great book, um, meltdown, a free market look at why the economy collapsed, et cetera, et cetera.
Uh, this book, Charles Goyette's book, the dollar meltdown is the perfect companion to that.
It's really the sequel to that.
Uh, Tom's book is how they inflated the bubble and popped it and a bit into what comes next.
But Charles, this book is really all about, you know, the after effect and all of the new money created in order to make those bankers whole.
And, uh, you know, that stage of the business cycle, I highly recommend it.
And then of course, uh, the new book, red, blue, and broke all over will be out in March.
So be sure to check that out again, at charlesgoyette.com.
