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All right.
Thanks.
Sorry I'm late.
I had to stop by the White's Museum again and give the finger to FDR.
We know Al-Qaeda, Zawahiri is supporting the opposition in Syria.
Are we supporting Al-Qaeda in Syria?
It's a proud day for America.
And by God, we've kicked Vietnam syndrome once and for all.
Thank you very, very much.
I say it.
I say it again.
You've been had.
You've been took.
You've been hoodwinked.
These witnesses are trying to simply deny things that just about everybody else accepts as fact.
He came.
He saw.
He died.
We ain't killing their army, but we killing them.
We be on CNN like, say our name, bitch.
Say it.
Say it three times.
The meeting of the largest armies in the history of the world.
Then there's going to be an invasion.
All right, you guys.
I'd like to welcome Nasser Arabi back to the show.
He's a reporter living in Sanaa, Yemen.
From there, I think, too.
Welcome back to the show.
How are you doing, Nasser?
Thank you very much.
I'm okay.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you very much.
I'm okay.
Scott.
Good.
Happy to hear that.
I worry about you sometimes, man, but so far, you're hanging in there.
We're a bit over three years of the war, and I'm really grateful that over these last three years, you've come on the show to talk about the America-Saudi war.
Of course, there was the war against al-Qaeda from 2009 through, I guess, now, too, but we're talking about the war against the Houthis that started three years ago.
And so, I guess, can we start then with the most recent developments?
They say that the attack on the Hodeidah port on the Red Sea has now begun.
Is that just to seize the port, or is it to completely destroy it?
It's been under blockade this whole time anyway.
What's the point?
What's going on?
Well, the situation is the same, notching.
What is being said about Hodeidah now is more propaganda than real things, but Hodeidah – I mean, Saudi Arabia is threatening to attack Hodeidah from time to time as a kind of maximizing the pressure on Yemen.
But to be honest with you, what's happening now in Hodeidah, in the western coast, is battles, normal battles, like before.
It is nothing new at all.
But the new thing now is that when Saudi Arabia wants to maximize the pressure, they say, we want to attack Hodeidah.
We want to attack Hodeidah.
You know, every time there is a kind of negotiations or talks of the talks or something like this, then Hodeidah and Saudi Arabia come up and talk about the attack on Hodeidah.
Attack on Hodeidah is like the attack on Sana'a.
The same thing.
They are now at the gate, at the eastern gate of Sana'a for three years.
More than three years they were, and they are stuck and bogged down at the eastern gate of Sana'a.
So there are battles.
This is what is happening.
This is what is happening exactly.
They could not make progress.
They couldn't make progress at all.
But you know, because of what happened last week, there was an attack on a ship carrying about 50,000 tons of wheat.
It was attacked by Saudi Arabia.
It was fired by Saudi Arabia's missiles.
Just to make this kind of propaganda and these kinds of things.
But I can assure you now that what's happening in Hodeidah and along the western coast is just normal battles, yes, back and forth, and you know, a lot of battles, yes.
But they, I mean, the attack of Hodeidah, they are a lot far from Hodeidah, and Hodeidah is, you know, there are a lot of forces, and it's very, very difficult like what happened in Sana'a, as I told you just now.
Yeah, well, and so, I don't know.
I guess, go ahead if you could and fill us in on the status of the battle in the different zones of the country.
Of course, there's recent reports that the Green Berets are helping the Saudis target Houthi missiles in the north of the country.
And then, of course, the UAE has, you know, carved out quite a bit of the ground there in the south and the east of the country, I guess.
What about Houthi control over Sana'a and the rest of the north?
Are any of the lines on the ground really changing?
No, nothing changed at all.
In reality, nothing changed.
But what happened now is about the east in Yemen, United Arab Emirates dropped new forces into an island, a very famous island here.
That is UNESCO protected site, which is an island in the Arab Sea, in the Gulf of Aden.
This kind of island is very, very far from the mainland.
It is very, very far from the battles.
It has nothing to do with what's going on in Yemen.
But Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates are in fight over this island now.
And they were about to clash last week.
And there were many, many mediations to help them not to clash.
The Saudi-backed government left the island because the Saudi-backed prime minister was there.
And now after the United Arab Emirates arrived there, he was dismissed and he was deported, we can say, from the island.
And now United Arab Emirates is still there in the island because this is what United Arab Emirates wants from Yemen.
They want, United Arab Emirates wants the boats, I mean the harbors, the boats, the seaboards, and some of the islands, the most important islands like Suqatra.
And they are now divide Yemen according to their interest, unfortunately.
But for the battles in the land, they are the same.
And no big or major progress that we can talk, it has happened.
Nothing is new at all.
But what's going on is that after the assassination of the Houthi Yemen president, after he was assassinated, now the UN talks are stalled and no progress at all with the new UN envoy.
You're talking about Saleh, after Saleh's assassination?
Not Saleh.
After him.
There is another one, the Houthi one, the one who, Saleh was not a president, he was just an ally.
The former president, right.
But there was a president appointed by Saleh Abatees and the Houthi groups and all those people who are in Sana'a.
And this one was assassinated by US-backed airstrikes while he was on his way to Hodeidah.
And when was that?
This was last month.
Last month, okay.
And this is, I think this is the new, this is the big issue that we should have started with.
But I thought it was, we talked about it and- Yeah, no, I'm sorry.
I didn't even know that that had happened, Nasser.
I'm way behind on everything.
Pardon me.
I think this is the point.
This is the point that why the president, Saleh Samad, the Houthi president, was on his way to Hodeidah.
And he was calling for a million man demonstration with their guns in Hodeidah, right?
Three or four days, he was assassinated by airstrikes because there was some kind of intelligence.
There was some kind of penetration and infiltration about him, about his whereabouts.
And he was killed somewhere.
But the killing, the assassination of this Houthi leader, the Yemen president, Houthi, was like when Saleh was killed, also.
Because they thought that everything will turn out in their interest.
And nothing happened, unfortunately.
What happened was against them because when they assassinated him by airstrikes, they didn't know.
They didn't know they killed him because they strike every day.
They were not 100 percent sure that he was him, that it was him in the car.
So they killed him.
They didn't know what happened.
After four days, the people in Yemen, the government in Yemen announced that he was killed on the date of so-and-so, four days earlier.
And of course, on the same time, they announced the new president and everything was organized.
Nothing happened.
I mean, no chaos, no problems.
Everything was smooth.
And this was a big shock to the Saudi and Emirati media because they just, they reported about the death of this president only from Sana'a news, not from them and not from their intelligence and not from their operation rooms.
Nothing of this happened.
You see, this is why now they talk about Hudaydah.
Even the administration that the president called for in Hudaydah, it also took place on the same time that was planned by the president.
And Saudi officials said that they killed him only because he said that 2018 will be a ballistic year against Saudi Arabia.
And he said this, yes.
He said this.
He said that the ballistic missile is still continuing until today.
And they would continue to defend themselves.
So this is, this is the most important thing about Hudaydah.
And now, so you said that once he was assassinated, then that he was actually in the middle of some negotiations and that those have now been canceled as the result of his death?
No, the negotiation, the UN negotiation, the UN envoy was scheduled or was supposed to see him on 28th of April, right?
But he was killed on 20, right?
I see.
So I mean, the normal negotiation, I mean, the normal, the normal, the normal efforts of UN, not something specific, not something special.
So now, after he was killed, the UN envoy called Sana'a and Sana'a told them easily that the president that you wanted to see is killed now, so we don't need to see you.
We don't need you to come.
So after the assassination is not like that, what, what was before the assassination.
So it is new now.
It is almost, it is almost, it is almost a start from all over again.
Right.
And now, so has there been a transfer of power to the vice president or whatever he was called the new Houthi leadership?
This is what I, this is what I wanted to tell you and your audience, yes.
The airstrikes killed him.
And it was like any airstrikes that we see every day, hundreds of airstrikes.
So they killed him, they hit a car.
They were not sure that this car was carrying president, right?
So the people there, the security in Hodeidah surrounded the place and even the people, when they saw, they saw a car with, you know, rackets and with the people, because the president was with six, with six bodyguards, all of them were killed.
So nobody from the normal people, nobody knew that he was president.
He was the president or it was the president.
So the people here, the authorities in Hodeidah and the authorities in Sana'a kept it secret until they prepared everything, until they chose the second president and they did everything.
And then they announced, they announced the death and also who is the successor.
And now there is a successor and everything is OK.
The government is going.
The president is working and nothing, nothing happened.
I mean, nothing, I mean, the operation as a whole was not in favor of Saudis and Emirates as they wanted, as they were planning, because they, they, they were, they were, they wanted to kill him any time, not only they wanted to kill him, but they couldn't.
But when they killed him, they didn't know that they killed him until they heard the news from Sana'a.
And so you're saying that it didn't really weaken the Houthis position in terms of how their government is working in the capital or anything like that, a decapitation strike in this as far as strategy goes.
But it did prevent any negotiations with the U.N. emissary that was on his way.
Exactly.
Not only this, not only this, the president was, the president, the former president was very, you know, he was more, you know, he was very, he could unify people.
He was liked by a lot of people and he was a compromised president.
I mean, he was the one whom you can talk to easily and everybody knows this.
Now the one who, who came, who succeeded him, is not like him.
He's more, he's a hardliner or a little bit at least.
So this is what they, what they are doing.
They couldn't do anything in their favor, unfortunately, because they, they just kill people blindly.
And it's, it's very clear to tell you that the, the commander of the commander, the U.S., the commander of the U.S. CENTCOM, Joseph Votel, when he was asked in the, in the, in the Congress recently, how you refueled the Saudi airplanes and do you know what happens after that?
And he said, no, we just, we just, we just help Saudis and then we don't know what happens after that.
So, and this is what Saudis and Emirates are doing when they keep bombing all the time and they don't know who they are bombing and what and who they are killing and all these things.
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Now let me ask you this.
I want to get to the Green Berets in the north there for a minute, in a minute.
But you know, back when we first started talking, and we've talked about this a few different times throughout, and I guess it's been apparent, but I wonder if it's still the case, as you would put it, that, you know, even though the vast majority of Yemen's political factions are not Houthis, and aren't Zaydi Shia like the Houthis are, and aren't from the far north the way they are, that there's a kind of war is the health of the state effect, a rally around the flag kind of effect, where you said, you know, I don't know if this is your exact words, but basically, we're all Houthis now, as long as they're the ones who run our government while we're being attacked.
Sort of the way Americans rallied around George Bush's son, of all people, and gave him a 90% approval rating after America was attacked in 2001.
And I just wonder, is that still the case?
Or is it more like the Houthis have iron fisted control of the country and people have no choice?
Yeah, for the north, at least for the north, yes, it is even it is the same.
And it is even more people are not Houthi, yes.
People are not from the people in the north are not from the same sect of Houthi.
They are not Shia, they are not Zaydi.
But it is not a matter, it is not it is not about sectarianism.
It is about defending yourself, defending your country from invasion, from being from bombings all the time.
So Saleh and his people, Saleh, who was assassinated here in Sana'a, who was killed here in Sana'a, he was Zaydi and he was close to Houthi in terms of sectarianism and all these things.
But it's not sectarian.
It is not sectarian issue at all.
Now it is only in the in the Saudi media it is sectarian when they talk about sectarian.
So the issue now is defending Yemen from being killed and destroyed by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, who want only to serve their interests, who want only to divide Yemen and loot the wealth of Yemen.
And everybody knows, especially after what happened recently in the island of Socotra when they were almost to fight with each other over the beautiful and the most beautiful island of Socotra in the Arab Sea.
So Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirates do not want to help Yemenis, but they just want to serve their interests, not to help Yemenis.
And for the people here, for the people here in Yemen in the north, they have one government and this government was formed by the main parties, Salih party and Houthi groups and all the other small parties.
And these parties are from all over Yemen, even from the south, you know, the big coalition of the south.
Politicians are based here in Sana'a, not in the south, not in Aden.
So all the spectrum, the political spectrum and the sectarian spectrum are here represented in the Sana'a government and also under the president who was elected or who was chosen by a council.
This council was also voted and was supported by the Yemeni people in 2016.
So it is a council, a presidential council, who chose the new president now, I mean this month after the Houthi president was assassinated by U.S.-Saudi airstrike.
Yeah, I mean, I think Americans really got to ask that for whatever reasons Obama got us into this war, now we have the UAE just seizing this island and saying, hey, what a nice little island, you know, and this is the kind of thing that the Americans are...
There is a brazen thing that never happened before at all, maybe, when United Arab Emirates people not only say we want to occupy it, they just say they would make a referendum that this island is Emirati, this island belongs to Emirate more than Yemen, and this is what they say, this is what they say.
Now they want to make a referendum that this island belongs to United Arab Emirates, and of course, we liken them, or we know why they are saying this, because they are more coddled by Trump than Mohammed bin Salman, and this is why they say these funny things.
Yeah, all right, now, so here's the deal, too, is we've had, you know, and we've known all along, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, Los Angeles Times, you know, on and on like that, it's really easy for anyone to find, it's no secret at all, New York Times, that you have American, you know, as they tend to always boil it down to refueling, that is mid-air refueling of Saudi jets on their sorties, but also, of course, all their weapons come from America, the jets themselves, and all the care and feeding of the jets is done by American contractors and military personnel, and American intelligence officers, civilian and military, apparently, and contractors and CIA and whoever, have been in there helping pick targets, and now I've heard from three different people that there have even been Americans sitting in the back seats of these F-15s, holding the princelings' hands all the way to their civilian targets, where they're bombing the people of Yemen, and this has been going on for three years, I don't know exactly how long the last part there went on, but the rest of it has been going on all this time, and now, the New York Times broke the story last week that the Green Berets, the Army Special Forces, are there on the ground with the Saudis at the border region, attempting to target Iranian ballistic, I mean, pardon me, Houthi ballistic missiles, some of which may have come from Iran, although I don't know when, although I think actually it was Jane's intelligence report said that no, they bought them, the Saleh government bought them from Korea, from North Korea, that's where they got them, back when, and that Nikki Haley's presentation before the UN was wrong about that, that these were Iranian missiles, anyway.
But so, that really, the point I'm trying to get to here is that with Green Berets on the ground, then that means that this absolutely is an American war, and legally speaking, for us Americans, it doesn't make much difference to you, I guess, Nasser, but legally speaking here in America, there's no pretension that the authorization to use military force as part of the war on terrorism against al-Qaeda and associated forces, which they just made up that part, but not even the associated forces made up doctrine could possibly apply to the Houthis, who are the enemies of al-Qaeda in Yemen, AQAP, and yet we're fighting a war that, as the Yemen expert, Michael Horton, no relation, put it to the American Conservative Magazine, America's flying as al-Qaeda's air force in this one.
And so, not only is that wrong in various ways, but it's also completely illegal.
And the Trump administration lied to Congress just a few weeks ago, when the Senate was debating the Sanders-Mike Lee bill to invoke the War Powers Act, and they lied and said that they did not have boots on the ground.
So this could, although I don't know if Sanders and them are going to take it up, but this could be a legal reason for them to bring the issue right back to a vote, since it was, the vote was to table the resolution based on a lie.
And so, this is, one, a big escalation of force, but it also proves American ownership of this war, and it also proves how illegal it all is, too.
So it could be the chance for a mass American anti-war movement to make a difference, to exploit these, you know, very important points about the war benefiting al-Qaeda, the American people's enemies here.
And I guess, let me ask you, I don't know if I had a question about that, Nasser, you can say whatever you want about that, but- Yes, let me add a very important point.
Go ahead, go ahead.
The Green Berets, the Green Beret forces, the special forces, the American special forces, were from the very beginning.
But what happened now with the New York Times and all the mainstream media in the United States is just, you know, some kind of leak, so I don't know what, but, you know, you remember that we always, I always tell you that the United States is there, the United States is there.
But of course, we couldn't, nobody had that kind of evidence to tell, like now.
Let me just say real quick, let me just say real quick a couple of things.
First of all, John Kiriakou talked about, the former CIA officer, talked about American drones striking Houthi targets way back years ago, 2009 or 2010 or something like that, 2011, fighting with Saleh there against the Houthis back during that part of the war.
But then also, when the news first broke about special operations forces there, I said, wait, we already knew that.
So that was against, what we already knew was that they were being, well, what we already knew, not speaking for you, but on the American side in the media and everything, what we knew about was the attempted, at least, strikes against Al-Qaeda targets, which mostly killed innocent civilians, including Anwar al-Awlaki's daughter, right after Donald Trump took power there.
But no, this is the special forces boots on the ground against Al-Qaeda's enemies, the Houthis.
So I'm sorry, go ahead there.
Yes, you're right.
So for the green praise, the green praise are there, always, not only from now.
And what happened now is that Mohammed bin Salman complained to Trump when the first, when the big missiles hit his palace in Riyadh.
And he said, now I should have, he said to Trump and to the American officials, I should now have forces, American forces to help me, because they hit me, they hit the capital.
This is the big thing.
But let's suppose that this is the truth.
For the Americans, what they are concerned about is Qaeda.
Qaeda now, Mohammed bin Salman is forgetting about Al-Qaeda.
He is ignoring Al-Qaeda.
And what he wants is American army and American forces fighting with him side by side with Al-Qaeda.
Because as I told you, and as I repeatedly said in this show, that most of the fighters of Saudi Arabia in Yemen are Qaeda, ISIS, and all these extremist groups.
So everything now, everything is in the interest of Al-Qaeda, unfortunately, which means that the American support and the Saudi money goes to the Qaeda, ISIS.
And this is the point that they don't understand clear.
Because they say, when they talk in the Congress about the intervention and the Saudi intervention, the Saudi war, they simply, some people in the Congress say, no, we don't have forces.
So we are not there, as long as we don't have troops in the ground.
Now the news about the green brace is evident now, is hard evidence for those people in the Congress who want to stop the American support for the Saudi aggression here in Yemen.
And I think it's, as you said, it is a good chance now for Sanders and Mike and all his colleagues to re-talk about, to talk about a new bill in the Congress to stop the American support for the Saudi aggression here in Yemen.
And this is what we hope is going to happen.
I mean, especially when, as it's been this whole time, the war couldn't possibly succeed.
The stated goal is to put Hadi back on the throne, which isn't going to happen, even if science could find 5,000 other dimensions around here, Hadi doesn't return to the throne in any reality going on.
There's no way.
So that's the stated goal.
The lines haven't changed in years of fighting here, but just Lord knows tens of thousands of innocent people have been killed.
So let me ask you about Iran then, because that's the excuse for all of this, is that the Houthis are Zaydis and the Zaydis are Shia.
And that means the Ayatollah Khamenei is really the one in charge.
And that if we let the Houthis survive here in power, in sauna, then that's a huge win for Tehran and an attempt to expand the Persian empire and surround the Saudis, etc., etc.
You've heard it all.
So maybe it's true.
Nasser, what do you say?
I think this is what they said.
Yes, this is what they said, but they said it blindly, unfortunately, because Iran is winning.
Iran, as I always say, Iran is winning without losing anything.
Yeah.
Iran is now expanding its influence, but not only because of what it's doing, what Iran is doing, but only because what Saudi Arabia is doing and what the United States is doing, because they are helping Iran and they are helping Qaeda ISIS.
They are helping them by blindly, I mean, Americans are helping Iran and helping Qaeda ISIS by blindly supporting Saudi Arabia, because a lot of people in the United States do not know that Houthis were not made by Iran at all.
Houthis are Yemenis, 100 percent, and they are not, for example, they are not supporting it.
They are not affiliated to Iran like Hezbollah or like any other one.
No.
Yes, there is some kind of, you know, sectarian things, and yes, no one can deny this.
But it's, you know, Yemen is very far.
Yemen is completely different from the other places.
Zaidi is different from the Shia, and all these things.
But now, of course, in terms of media and political things, they support each other, of course.
No one can deny this.
But the influence that Iran is getting is not because what Iran is doing, because Iran is not doing anything for Yemenis now, for Houthis.
They are not helping them with anything.
There is no single soldier here in Yemen.
There is no single Irani soldier here in Yemen at all.
But for the other things, media, political, this is something else.
For the missile, it is a big lie.
Missile, there is no missiles coming from Iran, because it's impossible.
Yemen is blockaded.
And we talk about now, about, to Saudi Arabia recognized about 150, 150 missiles fired to Saudi Arabia.
Just imagine how all these things, how all these missiles would be brought to Yemen under this intensified blockade.
So it's not right at all.
The missiles are Yemenis, and Iran is only a justification only.
You know, it's funny.
I read an article.
I guess it was about a year old article in Reuters about, oh, Iran is stepping up support for the Houthis, and it had all just a bunch of anonymous claims from American officials, you know, obviously.
But then that was the one thing is, they didn't mention the blockade in the whole article, because that would, of course, undermine the entire point of the article.
Oh, a blockade enforced by the U.S. Navy that rules all seven seas and the entire oceans too.
Yeah.
Oh, okay.
That's a little hitch in the story.
And by the way, we have to mention one point.
The Green Berets, the Green Berets who were mentioned by New York Times and others, they came only, as New York Times said, they came only to Saudi border only to monitor the launch pads, the launch pad of the missiles, and to know where these missiles were fired.
Now they couldn't determine even one launch pad.
They didn't know where these missiles are being fired from at all.
So Yemen is big, and the geographic nature of Yemen is completely difficult, and it's not easy for anyone to know what's happening or where you can put your missile or something like this.
But, you know, if it's Iranian, if it's Iranian, Iranian cannot do all these things in this short time, of course, at all.
But it's just a justification to hate Yemen and to loot its wealth.
All right.
Thank you again.
I'm sorry about what my country's doing to yours there, Nasser.
I'd stop it if I could.
And you know what?
I know you know that there are a lot of Americans who really, even directly in spite or to spite our mainstream media and its blackout of these issues, you know, really do care a lot and are working really hard to try to stop.
Not that that, you know, counts for much when you're under a rain of bombs, but, you know, like we talked about with that Senate effort, there are a lot of, you know, just regular American civilians pushing really hard to see that kind of thing through.
So you know, not all hope is lost there, I guess, not yet.
Yes, we hope that things will go better.
And we hope that Saudi Arabia would come back to its, to its sins.
And peace would be only for all, for Yemen and Saudi Arabia and everyone.
But now there is a problem.
There is a problem of, of power, a problem of, you know, of someone who is, who is young, Mohammed bin Salman, who wants to ascend to the throne on the, on the rebels of Yemen and on the dead bodies of Yemen.
And this is not right for him to be, to be a good king at all.
Yeah.
You know, I'm glad that you mentioned that.
I think that's such an important thing that people recognize the, as they call it, the public choice theory there, where there really is no such thing as Saudi Arabia, just different individual politicians there.
And in this case, you had this very young and very inexperienced deputy crown prince who was named deputy crown prince and defense minister at the same time and immediately went to war in order to prove what a grown up he was.
He was only 29 years old at the time.
And this was a, it had almost nothing to do with Yemen.
It was all about, you know, palace politics and how is he going to be able to show up his cousins and uncles and succeed his father and, you know, as the king of the country.
And so this was, you know, a big PR stunt for him, right?
Like Hillary Clinton attacking Libya.
This was, you know, part of his, you know, solidifying his political stature at the expense of these lives.
He thought that it was, it would, it would only be one day trip, one day trip and come back and be good, good, good and powerful king.
This is what he thought.
Yeah.
Just one day.
They even call it Operation Decisive Storm.
Ha.
Yeah.
Man.
All right.
I'm sorry.
Four years now.
Decisive.
Four years now.
And it's decisive.
Yeah.
All right.
Listen, well, take care of yourself there.
Nasser.
Appreciate it very much.
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much for all this.
All right.
Best to you and yours, man.
All right.
That's Nasser Araby, guys.
He is a reporter from Sanaa, Yemen.
His website is yemen-now.com, Yemen Alon, yemen-now.com, and you can go back and read what he used to write for the New York Times.
You can see why they don't want to publish what he has to say anymore.
But great reporter from Sanaa, Yemen there, Nasser Araby.
All right.
So you guys know the deal.
Foolserun.us for the book, scotthorton.org and youtube.com slash scotthortonshow for all the interviews, 4,500 of them now going back to 2003 for you there.
Read what I want you to read at antiwar.com and at libertarianinstitute.org and follow me on Twitter at scotthortonshow.
Thanks.