Hey guys, I'm giving a speech to the Libertarian Party in Rhode Island on October the 27th and then November the 3rd with Ron Paul and Lou Rockwell and a bunch of others down there in Lake Jackson.
Jeff Deist and all them, Mises Institute, are having me out to give a talk about media stuff.
And that's November the 3rd down there in Lake Jackson.
If you like Ron Paul events and you're nearby, I'll see you there.
Sorry I'm late!
I had to stop by the Whites Museum again and give the finger to FDR!
We know Al-Qaeda.
Zawahiri is supporting the opposition in Syria.
Are we supporting Al-Qaeda in Syria?
It's a proud day for America and by God we've kicked Vietnam Syndrome once and for all.
Thank you very, very much.
I say it, I say it again.
You've been had.
You've been took.
You've been hoodwinked.
These witnesses are trying to simply deny things that just about everybody else accepts as fact.
He came, he saw, he died.
We ain't killing they army, we killing them.
We be on CNN like Say Our Name been saying, saying three times.
The meeting of the largest armies in the history of the world.
Then there's going to be an invasion.
All right, you guys, introducing the great Sheldon Richman.
I couldn't decide which bunch of adjectives to give you.
The great, heroic, wonderful, my friend, my partner at the Libertarian Institute, Sheldon Richman, the great libertarian thinker and writer.
Welcome.
How are you doing, my friend?
I'm doing fine.
My advice to you is to drop all adjectives.
How about good old?
Is good old Sheldon?
That's good enough.
Yeah.
My buddy.
Not sure about the old part, but that's all right.
Oh yeah.
No, of course not.
Not in that sense.
Just an old day since.
Anyway, I don't know what I'm talking about.
Here's what I'm talking about.
Hey, did I tell you about my awesome scam?
No.
I have an awesome scam.
So what happened was I wrote a book, but I really didn't like it because it took so long.
It was such a pain in the ass and I didn't want to write any more books.
But the book that I wrote, I think, you know, Sheldon, a lot of people do, is that Afghanistan was supposed to just be chapter two, but it was so dang long that I ended up just making a book out of it.
But I was trying to write a book that was supposed to be like a pretty brief explanation of all of the wars, against all of the wars of the 21st century here.
And so chapter one is getting into this mess, Carter through Clinton.
And then I got stuck in the Afghan quagmire, as major imperial forces are wont to do sometimes.
And so, but now here's my gimmick.
I did a PowerPoint presentation for Renegade University, Thaddeus Russell, and it was like five hours long.
It was supposed to be three, but you know me.
Even check out how long this explanation is.
And so it was a five hour long kind of PowerPoint presentation.
So in other words, going through the outline of the book I never wrote about all of the wars, only all I did was say it all out loud to an audience of people watching live and then later.
And so, but I have a friend, Joanne from Australia, who is a very talented transcriptionist.
And she said, yeah, no problem.
I was trying to get Google Docs to figure out like an automatic way to do it or Dragon or some of that.
I should have just asked Joanne in the first place because she says, yeah, sure, no problem.
And in about two or three weeks, she turned around the entire thing as a transcript to me.
So the whole first draft was ghost written for me, but it was all my words anyway.
So I didn't have to write it though.
So now all I have to do is edit the hell out of it for a few months until it's good enough to try to publish.
So it's already, you know, more or less done.
And I didn't have to write it.
So isn't that great?
The working title is God dang it, Bobby.
Time to end the war on terrorism.
Like it?
All right.
I'm not going to be able to call it that.
I'll have to come up with something else.
I wanted to call it murder suicide, but then I thought, man, that doesn't roll off the tongue as easily as fool's errand, you know, need to come up with something a little lighter than that.
Yeah, maybe we'll see, we'll see what you come up with anyway.
So there you go.
And, um, I'm almost done on my first pass through editing it.
So, uh, it's going to be a bit different from fool's errand cause it is not written.
It's spoken.
But at the same time, it's what I wanted to say.
So it should work out.
I think it's going to work.
We'll see.
Yeah.
Okay.
Hey, listen, you wrote a great article.
Big surprise.
It's Friday TGIF.
The goal is freedom.
And again, I'm very happy to say it's about Palestine.
Trump's Middle East delusions persist.
So the deal of the century, as Trump calls it, is inching forward here.
And I guess the Palestinians don't have much to say about that, but, uh, such as it is the deals moving forward.
And then, uh, you quote, uh, Jason Greenblatt in this piece, the number two special envoy to the Middle East after Jared Kushner, um, in negotiating this.
And he gave this interview to the times of Israel where he made a lot of things very clear.
So go ahead and take it from there if you want.
Yeah.
Uh, you know, there've been fits and starts regarding this, uh, plan, uh, the deal of the century, which has not been spelled out in detail yet, uh, word was getting out about it when, uh, when Jared Kushner, the son-in-law and, uh, and Jason Greenblatt, the number two envoy, uh, went over there to talk to the various parties and, uh, Greenblatt, uh, Jason actually, I mean, sorry, uh, Jared actually gave a, uh, an interview to a, uh, a Palestinian newspaper.
Uh, and there were some details about that, but it wasn't flying with the Palestinian leadership because, you know, right about that time, uh, Trump had moved unilaterally moved the embassy to Jerusalem and, uh, uh, endorsing, uh, Netanyahu's, uh, declaration that, uh, Jerusalem would be the undivided eternal capital, uh, even though that was supposed to be one of the things negotiated, uh, and then, uh, so it looked like then the, the thing was put on hold because the follow-up, and I, and I wrote about this too, was it looked like they were going to shift their attention to Gaza and try to enlist, or they wouldn't have trouble, I guess, enlist Egypt into, uh, creating some, uh, economic development sort of as a safety valve to take the pressure off Israel regarding Gaza.
Uh, so it looked like, uh, they were gonna, you know, forget about the West Bank and just concentrate on Gaza.
So it looked, it looked like that was the new plan.
But now Greenblatt has given an interview to, uh, the Times of Israel, which is a newspaper, daily paper in, uh, in, in Israel.
And uh, and he's given us a little more, but also, but also in, but I've been pretty much in broad strokes.
Uh, just a quick background about, uh, Jason Greenblatt, uh, before coming, before Trump's election, Greenblatt has spent, Greenblatt had spent the previous 19 years as, as a Trump's real estate lawyer.
He really has no diplomatic credentials or expertise, uh, that anyone's aware of on, in the Middle East, uh, except for this one fact that you can, you can either regard this as a point of expertise or not, but he spent time as a, as a, uh, an M16 toting guard at one of the Jewish settlements in the West Bank, namely one of the illegal Jewish settlements on the West Bank.
So I guess that's a credential.
Is he the same one too, who had worked as a organization fundraising for the settlement projects?
He and Jared have both, uh, yeah, I've been involved in foundations, which raise money to invest in, in the settlements.
That's true.
I didn't know that he'd been standing around with an M16 too.
That's interesting.
Yeah.
Which I guess gives them a lot in common with Jeffrey Goldberg.
They can, they can talk about what's it like to guard, either guard Palestinians directly or guard against Palestinians.
I mean, look, just for the, the, you know, new at this, I don't mean to say stupid, but just the ignorant here.
The reason he needed a gun is because he's on somebody else's land.
It's not like he had a gun in defense, defense in the sense of like, yeah, I, I'm occupying your front yard and I'm carrying a gun to keep you in your house.
Something like that.
That's not the same thing.
No, the international court of justice has said these settlements are illegal.
This was from back in 2002, 2004, because under the international rules, you're, you're not allowed to acquire territory through war, through, through force.
Number one.
And number two, if you do acquire territory, you're supposed to give it back after the war.
But you're not allowed to then move your population and your home population into the territory and start building permanent towns, which is what they, what Israel has been doing in the West Bank.
So yeah.
Hey, this is literally the guy that wrote the book on gun rights.
So I just didn't want anybody to be confused about where you were coming from on that.
Oh, right.
Yeah.
Yeah.
It was, I wasn't really criticizing his gun ownership per se, per se.
So he gave an interview to the times of Israel where he in broad strokes started describing the this coming deal.
And he, he used, and I tried to parse it, I took, I took apart the quotations and and then did my commentary on it so people can see in detail what it is I have to say there.
But it clearly shows that they, first of all, they learn nothing from the criticisms that were leveled at the earlier disclosures about the plan, because it shows no signs of make any adjustments whatsoever, even marginal that I can tell from the, from what we heard originally.
So he begins by saying, this is not a transcript of an interview.
It's an article about the reporter's conversation with Greenblatt.
So I, you know, I don't know if this was exactly the sequence where he said things, but given how it's presented in the, in the newspaper article, which I linked to in my piece, he begins by saying that all the core issues are going to be addressed, refugees.
But then he said, and we'll focus on Israel security concerns.
And then right after that, he then says, as if the reporter didn't hear him the first time, it will be heavily focused on Israeli security concerns.
Well, that's a bit odd, because he doesn't use the word focus for any other thing, according to this article.
So that seems to mean there's going to be an awful lot of emphasis on Israel security concerns, which already, I think, shows you the, the, the US stance here that it's just playing- Well, you know, the context is really important, right?
Because if he was really going to wrestle the Israelis into making major concessions here, then, like say you would do, then he would say the same thing, right?
To make them feel better about it.
However, in context here, it's clear that, yeah, no, really, he's just speaking for Netanyahu, basically.
Well, it sounds like that, of course, and, and that's been the whole point.
I mean, given the, the steps up till now, the, the moving of the Capitol- Right.
I mean, the way you say it in the article is you go, well, how do I know what they mean by that?
Well, because I've been paying attention, right?
So as you say, they say, we're going to settle the refugee issue.
Oh, that sounds nice.
What does he mean by that?
He's just going to tell them, you're all Syrians and Jordanians and Tunisians now.
That's all.
Right.
As I point out, linking to past articles I've done on this, the way when they, they regard something by settled as simply declaring it settled.
So, you know, after Trump moved the embassy, he said, hey, we've taken that off the table.
This has been the stopping point, the stumbling block for decades in trying to settle this.
I've settled it.
Yeah, by making a unilateral declaration that the Palestinians lose and the Israelis win.
On the refugee issue, Donald has cut off the money to the U.N.'s Refugee Aid Agency.
He said, we don't want anybody to be declared a refugee who wasn't actually born or living in Palestine in, you know, 47 or 48, which means the families of refugees, the children since then who have been in camps all around the Middle East, no longer count, which means they would have no, no claim to any kind of right of return.
So he's, he's cut the number of refugees, you know, by 90 percent.
That's one way to solve the problem.
Of course, don't forget, the U.S. always presented itself as a broker.
A broker doesn't, you know, make decisions.
He gets parties together and helps facilitate negotiation.
Think of a real estate broker, right?
He gets buyers and sellers together.
But the broker doesn't say, here's the, here's the price you're going to pay and you're going to accept, and here are the terms of the sale, right?
He just gets them together and facilitates their negotiation to come to a sale.
Well, same thing, this was, you know, theoretically, it was never in fact, but theoretically that was the, supposed to be the U.S. role.
They always used the term honest broker.
Now, it really wasn't a broker and it wasn't honest, but Trump has made that completely naked now.
There's no pretense at all.
So I guess, you know, on one hand you could say, well, Trump's being more honest.
So maybe in that sense, if you want to consider that a virtue here, they're not being a broker at all.
Trump's going to solve this, right?
He sees it as the real estate problem of the century or more, and he's going to be the one who solved it.
But he's seeing it as a real estate transaction.
Obviously, a lot of important issues are going to get washed away if that's the only way you see it.
And for one thing, why would the Palestinians accept it?
Now, he says there's a throwaway line by Greenblatt after saying that our focus, our heavy focus, he says, is going to be on Israeli security needs, he says, but we also want to be fair to the Palestinians.
It's like an afterthought.
Yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, yeah, fairness to the Palestinians.
We're trying hard to find a good balance, he says.
Well, unless you understand the context, you don't know what that even means, what that could mean.
I mean, later on I compared it to two stubborn children fighting over Halloween candy that's of indeterminate ownership, and they refuse to compromise and the parent intervenes and says, look, let's sit down and work this out.
We'll break it in half or whatever.
They're treating it, it sounds like it's like that.
We got this land and we got two stubborn parties, except when you read a little, you look at the fuller context, it's only the Palestinians who are the stubborn children who don't want to cooperate in the eyes of the Trump, Team Trump.
They regard the Israelis as perfectly responsible and cooperative all this time.
So when they talk about a balance, what's being balanced?
It sounds like what they're going to balance is Israel's demand for 100% of historic Palestine, all of it without Palestinians, on the one hand, yeah, yeah, they won't get all that.
So there's something they won't like, right, they won't get 100%.
And what's on the other side?
The Palestinians who have been oppressed and driven out of their homes and suffering as a result for 70 years or more, and who now must, under Trump's ideas apparently, will need to settle for even less than the 22% that the Palestinian leadership, at least, and I put that word in quotation marks, that the leadership has been willing to accept since the late, what is it, the late 80s, 22%, but less than that because Israel is not intending to give up all of the West Bank.
They have, they don't want to give up the settlements and they've carved out a huge amount of the West Bank to keep for themselves.
So they're not, like I say, the Palestinians are not even going to get 22% of historic Palestine.
Right.
Which, you know, historically they were the overwhelming majority of the inhabitants.
And even when the UN recommended a partition and drew up a partition plan, the Palestinians got less than half of the land and the worst of the land, and the best of it, like 56%, were going to be given to the Zionists who were there and intending to move there, who were, you know, basically Europeans.
So this is, this is a joke.
I mean, it's not, it's not in any way fair to the Palestinians and it's all, it continues this presumption that it's the Palestinians who have to prove themselves.
They have the burden of proof to show they're civilized, that they're deserving of respectful treatment.
Not the Israelis.
Right.
The presumption is the Israelis are fine.
Well, it's like a hostage situation at a crime scene, you know, at a bank or a grocery store or something, where it's the cops are negotiating outside, but they're on the side of the robbers against the victims and telling them how much money they got to give up and what have you kind of thing.
That's all it is.
That's how, that's how you can understand it.
Otherwise it doesn't seem to make any sense.
And you know, it reiterates a point that you've made constantly, that if, that if you only, if you tried to figure out what the historic situation has been from these kinds of proposals and statements, you would think that a bunch of Arabs stole land from a Jewish residence of Palestine or Israel.
Right.
And they're trying to, and they're trying to get more with their terrorist extortion.
They won't stop their evil terrorism until, even in the frame of supposedly those willing to negotiate land for peace, makes it sound like it's a terrorist extortion plot by the Palestinians stealing what rightfully belongs to the Israelis.
And you're just not supposed to go back to the premise of the question about, wait, whose land is this again?
And how did it get from whose ownership to occupation and what have you?
You'd have the opposite picture of reality if, if reasonably so.
If you inferred only from the kinds of statements that American policymakers have made, not just starting with Trump, Trump's just more blatant about it, but if you, you know, going all the way back.
Hey, real quick, the best ways to donate to the show are patreon.com, five bucks a month will get you keys to the Reddit group, a dollar per interview will get you two free audio books from Listen and Think Audio.
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Now that's an important question.
Do you think that there's a benefit to him just taking the mask off and not pretending to like Bill Clinton did, or like even Bush at Annapolis and Well, I think it, I think it will stiffen the resistance of the Palestinians.
So I think in that sense, it's good.
They're not being seduced by, by Clinton.
I mean, no one else in the world was buying the American narrative anyway, other than the American people.
Right.
You know, I assume that Clinton had, you know, Clinton always says, has always been said to have that way about him, right?
When he looked at you, he felt your pain and you felt he made you feel like you're the most important person in the world.
So I guess, I guess he could kind of, you know, get people to come to conferences and so called negotiation sessions, although they get tricked like they didn't in 2000, right when when they went to Camp David and and Arafat was assured that if this breaks down, you will not get blamed.
It did break down, not because of the Palestinians, and they got blamed.
So, you know, Clinton outright lied.
But I guess Clinton just had that way about him that he could say, yeah, come on, come on to Camp David.
Don't worry.
It's all going to be fair.
Now.
Hopefully they learned their lesson.
But with Trump, it's yeah, I think they're going to be much more skeptical about Trump and not get, not get trapped.
I mean, part of the premise of what you're saying to that, I mean, I sort of, as you know, I don't know, I'm stumbling.
As you said, the Palestinians, it's going to just stiffen their spine.
There's no question that they're going to give into this.
I mean, even Mahmoud Abbas probably is not going to give into this.
But the Palestinian people of the West Bank and Gaza are not going to give into this.
I mean, to the degree that they have no say because they already lost the war 50 years ago, the major second phase of the war 50 years ago, and they're under occupation and siege.
I mean, all that is, you know, not really up to them.
But as far as accepting this as good enough and considering it an end to the occupation and nothing left to resist, I mean, yeah, right.
Well, part of the delusion, and you see this in statements by both Jared Kushner and Jason Greenblatt, is if we can present this to the Palestinian people directly, they're going to insist to Abbas and the Palestinian Authority, corrupt and undemocratic, they're going to insist that they go along with this.
But they just have that upside down.
I mean, all the, all the good reporting shows that the, that the Palestinian people, West Bank, for example, don't trust Abbas.
They think he gave, first of all, after the Palestinian papers came out a few years ago, where they were basically giving away the store at negotiations with Condoleezza Rice and then into the Obama administration, they were giving away, you know, making huge concessions which were kept secret until these papers were leaked to, I guess, WikiLeaks.
They don't trust Abbas.
He's very unpopular.
He was supposed to stand for reelection in 2009, but he didn't do it.
So they don't, they don't, they think he's, you know, he's not a good Democrat, small D Democrat, and they don't trust him because of these concessions.
So what makes, I don't know what possibly can make Kushner and Greenblatt and Trump believe that if we could just show this directly to the Palestinian people, they're going to say to Abbas, you accept this.
We like this deal.
You take it.
It's not going to work that way.
If Abbas took it, I think he'd probably be facing a revolution.
They'd be going after his, you know, for his head.
So I don't know what those guys are thinking, and that's why I stuck with the word delusions.
I used that in the first article about the deal a couple of months ago, and I just don't explain it.
These people are just like, they just live by wishful thinking.
They just plunge ahead thinking, no, if we just show determination, if we show we believe it, the whole world will believe it.
You know, he's a little bit like George Costanza.
I always compare him, except without the charm.
If you're a Seinfeld fan, there were too many episodes where George Costanza, not really in denial because he knew he was engaging in a deception, just thought, if I just act like I believe it and keep going, other people will, maybe they'll believe it.
Remember, he gives advice to Jerry when he was going to take a lie detector test.
He said, remember, Jerry, it's not a lie if you believe it.
And so Trump, I think, lives by that, except he doesn't have George's charm.
America's foreign policy is all determined by public relations firms.
Whatever garbage they can churn out, that's what we believe the actual standards of reality are we're working with.
Now, I mean, a more cynical take, of course, is just as long as they can try to make it seem like it's the Palestinians' fault for not accepting it at the end, that that'll be good enough.
Rather than them really being dumb enough to believe that this will work.
But I don't know.
I mean, maybe they really are dumb enough to think that this would work.
Americans don't know better.
And it's not completely their fault.
They never see on, well, when they used to watch network news, and now- Well, and it makes sense that Kushner and Greenblatt have no idea how to look at things from the Palestinians' point of view whatsoever.
So who knows what they think, you know?
Over the many decades, Americans have not really seen Palestinian spokespeople.
They don't get interviewed the same way, or in length, they're not presented the same way.
There's just a sense that, hey, Israelis are like us.
In fact, a lot of them were Americans.
So they speak perfect English, and they maybe not even have accents as far as Americans are concerned, or English, British accents.
Well, you know, I'm glad you mentioned that, because, you know, it really is sort of like your friend gets in a fight, and you know that your friend is a belligerent drunk, and he's the one who started the fight, but still, he's the one in the fight that's your friend, not the other guy.
So you're kind of still on his side, but you can't ...
I mean, even if that's your point of view, which is not mine, but even if that's the point of view that the Israelis really are friends and the Palestinians are not, they're like, still, you got to admit that your friend is Benjamin Netanyahu, not some, you know, decent political leadership over there.
Well, I'm thinking now just the average American.
People don't know that.
They don't know about Netanyahu.
He sounds like an American.
He grew up in the U.S.
Hell, my cousin went to high school with him, Cheltenham High School, outside of Philadelphia.
So when they see Israelis, they think, well, they're just like us, and, you know, lots of people know Jewish people.
So they say, oh, Israel's the Jewish state.
They know, they don't know, most people don't know Muslims, and they probably don't, probably don't know that any Palestinians are Christians.
So they probably don't, you know, because they don't know that.
They don't think that, oh, Arabs, they're not Christians.
Yes, there's nothing there to relate to at all, they think.
There's nothing to relate to, and there's not been much effort, certainly in the mainstream media.
There are rare exceptions, occasionally some good exceptions, but they're too rare to break through that.
So Americans begin with, well, Israelis are like, Israelis are like us.
They're much less foreign than we are.
Oh, yeah, they speak Hebrew, but hell, they speak Hebrew in the synagogue down the street, so that's not so unusual.
And Arabs, on the other hand, speak Arabic, and they don't ever hear Arabic, and they're Muslims, and so, and therefore, and then all the movies and TV shows portray that they are- Palestinians really are very Westernized, right?
Compared to Saudis, who all, you know, run around in robes and all this stuff, they wear blue jeans and t-shirts.
I'm always trying to emphasize they really need American brand names on their shirts more than anything for the cameras, but- Arafat wore the keffiyeh in a- That's true.
And a lot of the women still cover their heads in this kind of thing, but still, compared to some, you know, Muslim societies, they're pretty Westernized and 21st century in many, many ways, you know, the Palestinians.
Arafat and the Fatah, which, you know, which was part of the PLO and is now the PA, was a secular organization.
It was not even a Muslim, you know, a Muslim organization, it had prominent Christians in it, and it wasn't pushing any kind of Israeli, sorry, religious line.
When Hamas arose in the 80s, with the help of Israel, by the way, that was really the first sort of, I don't want to use the word fundamentalist, I'm not sure it applies, but sort of Muslim-flavored Palestinian resistance, which is one reason Israel helped to promote it, because they wanted a religious rival to the PLO, to Fatah, in order to fragment the solidarity of the Palestinians.
That's right.
In fact, people can read Richard Sayle in UPI, they can read Andrew Higgins in the Wall Street Journal.
And then, of course, in the book Obstacle to Peace by Jeremy Hammond, he has a great section on this as well.
Yeah, it was a cynical thing.
And now today, for the Israelis to complain about Hamas anytime you bring up Gaza or the Palestinians at all, it's just hypocrisy.
Whenever Hamas and the PA or the PLO are at odds, Israel, the Israeli leadership will say, we can't deal with them, they're not unified, and when they're unified, they say we can't deal with them, they have a partner, they have a terrorist partner.
So they win either way, it's a heads I win, tails you lose game.
Of course, before that election in 2006, it was, well, the Fatah is not elected, so we can't deal with somebody who's not elected, because they've got no legitimacy.
As soon as they have the election, they go, oh, well, now they're divided and half of them are Hamas.
And of course, there's the real story.
And again, Jeremy Hammond does such a great job on this in the book Obstacle to Peace, but people can also read the article, The Gaza Bombshell, about how even after that election, they had a coalition government in Gaza, because they hadn't won outright, but it was Elliott Abrams.
And the Olmert government waged an attempted coup against Hamas that, of course, backfired, blew up in their face, and Fatah lost and was ran out of the Gaza Strip altogether at that point.
Yeah, it was a US-backed coup.
You know, the Bush administration did push for those elections.
And there's a great statement, which I have in a past article from Hillary Clinton some years ago saying, I don't think we should have had an election there.
But if we're going to have an election, at least make sure the people we want win.
Of course.
Absolutely.
That was a great moment of honesty on her part.
You know what?
I'm almost out of time.
I'm sorry.
I got to go because I'm going to interview this guy about this Saudi lobby thing.
But let me ask you real quick about Outside In, the Trump administration's plan to remake the Middle East by Ted Snyder that you referred to there, because that's a big part of the Palestinian question here is breaking off their relationship with all the Saudi states.
So can you talk about that for just a second?
Well, it's interesting in light of this Khashoggi mystery now, but the journalist, maybe not such a mystery.
It's a good background for my piece, because what Snyder shows there is that there have been different phases to the Israeli foreign policy.
The first was to be on Iran's side.
And they were friends with the Shah.
And then for 10 years, they were friends with the Islamic Republic of Iran against the Palestinians and the Arab states.
Iran's regarded as the periphery because it's non-Arab and it's a little further away.
The outside of the surrounding Arab states.
Then Rabin switched to being sort of bringing on the Palestinians in Oslo, which was a scam anyway, but in opposition then to Iran and the Arab states.
And now the deal is to be friends, Netanyahu's deal is to be friends with the Arab states, particularly Egypt and Saudi Arabia, in order to go after Iran and to isolate the Palestinians.
So it's three different phases of this outside-in strategy.
It's very enlightening.
I recommend people read that article.
Right.
Yeah.
Absolutely good stuff.
And Ted Snyder is a great writer on this stuff.
That's ArmandoWeiss.net again.
And then you are at LibertarianInstitute.org.
Trump's Middle East delusions persist.
Thanks again, Sheldon.
Appreciate it.
Thanks.
My pleasure, Scott.
Talk to you soon.
Thanks for joining us.
Find me at LibertarianInstitute.org, at ScottHorton.org, AntiWar.com, and Reddit.com slash Scott Horton Show.
Oh, yeah.
And read my book, Fool's Errand, Timed and the War in Afghanistan at FoolsErrand.us.
