Sorry, I'm late.
I had to stop by the Wax Museum again and give the finger to FDR.
We know Al-Qaeda, Zawahiri, is supporting the opposition in Syria.
Are we supporting Al-Qaeda in Syria?
It's a proud day for America.
And by God, we've kicked Vietnam syndrome once and for all.
Thank you very, very much.
I say it, I say it again, you've been had.
You've been took.
You've been hoodwinked.
These witnesses are trying to simply deny things that just about everybody else accepts as fact.
He came, he saw us, he died.
We ain't killing their army, but we killing them.
We be on CNN like say our name, bitch, say it, say it three times.
The meeting of the largest armies in the history of the world.
Then there's going to be an invasion.
Okay, you guys, introducing Nasser Arabi, reporter out of Sana, Yemen.
You can follow him on Twitter at N-Arabi, that's A-R-R-A-B-Y-E-E.
N-Arabi on Twitter and keep up with him and all the breaking news out of Yemen every day.
How are you doing, Nasser?
Good to talk to you again.
Thank you very much.
Thank you very much.
Very happy to have you back on the show.
So, I guess, should we start with the latest out of the Hodeidah port and the situation there?
Yes, we will start.
Before Hodeidah, I'll tell you that now it's the preparations here in Sana are in full swing for celebrating the fourth anniversary of this aggression.
That is the fourth anniversary of the resilience of Yemen and the steadfastness of the Yemenis against this aggression.
And by this, I mean, it's the next week this celebration will be.
And on this occasion, Houthi declared clearly that they would strike Riyadh and Abu Dhabi with more powerful ballistic missiles and drones.
More powerful drones.
If they escalated the war in Hodeidah and if the Stockholm Agreement completely collapsed.
This, of course, important development came after the Stockholm Agreement has reached a deadlock.
And we mean by this that this Stockholm Agreement, of course, entered into effect on the 18th of December, which means now it's about exactly three months until today.
Since it entered into effect, but no single thing has been implemented.
Nothing has implemented at all.
And this is why there is some kind of, you know, there's the sense that it's now, it's going to, it could, let me say, it could collapse entirely.
Which means that the fighting and an all out war could erupt in Hodeidah city and Hodeidah ports.
And this is why Houthi forces said clearly this week.
And he said, of course, the army spokesman, Houthi army spokesman said in a press conference that they have now 300 places, 300 recorded places in the Saudi mainland and in the Emirati mainland, including the two capitals.
That could be targeted by these powerful ballistic missiles and powerful drones.
And he, of course, the spokesman, showed us, showed the reporters in the conference as some photos and some aerial videos that showed some of these places inside the Saudi mainland and the Emirati mainland.
And also he said something.
He said something also that now the ballistic missiles, they could, the Houthi forces could launch as many as 10 ballistic missiles at the same time, which means they could or they hope to prevent the defense system of Saudis from intercepting the ballistic missiles.
So this is the most or the latest development that happened here.
And it's because of the Stockholm Agreement.
Of course, the Stockholm Agreement, to your listeners and your audience, Stockholm Agreement would have been only the first step.
I mean, this did not Stockholm Agreement would have been only what the first step of the first step of of of of of peace in Yemen.
Not not more.
But now it's it's it's a faltering and it could collapse entirely at any moment.
Okay.
So now at the time that the Stockholm Agreement was reached, the deal was, well, first of all, on the ground, the UAE, they were still south of the city, essentially.
Right.
And had not really taken the city from the Houthis.
And then the deal was that the Houthis would withdraw and the UAE would withdraw and let the UN take over at least the port.
And I don't know who is supposed to administer the city, but so correct me where I'm wrong.
And then explain how it broke down.
Yeah, of course.
I will.
I will explain.
Of course, this is this is a point that is also in front of me.
It's OK.
I'll tell you why.
Why they keep failing and where what the Stockholm Agreement stipulated.
Of course, Stockholm Agreement means simply or says simply that the forces, all the forces withdraw from Hodeidah city and from ports from the Hodeidah ports, which means Houthis would withdraw from the ports of Hodeidah and from the city of Hodeidah.
And the Saudi-Emirati backed forces would withdraw from the southern outskirts of the city.
And then the forces, all forces, should or would redeploy in other places.
So nothing of this has happened.
And of course, Houthi is still in the ports and in the city.
And the Saudi-Emirati forces are still at the southern outskirts of the city.
So why they kept failing?
Why they didn't do anything?
Of course, the main reason why is was who would run the city and the ports after the withdrawal of the forces, all the forces?
This is the thing that they could not because there is no confidence with each side worrying that the other would exploit the withdrawal.
So this means what?
There is no confidence at all between the two sides.
And this is why they are in this deadlock.
Oh, man.
All right.
So and then there's still fighting going on or there's essentially a ceasefire on the front?
Well, this is important.
No, no.
It's a fragile ceasefire.
The ceasefire is still until today, three months now, three months since it entered into effect.
It's still holding, but very fragile.
And it is faltering and it could collapse anytime with, of course, a lot of with clashes and skirmishes from time to time.
So, in other words, this deal was reached and it was it succeeded in getting a ceasefire there at the most important port there, the Hodeidah port, which is huge.
But you're saying that the terms of the deal essentially were untenable because they didn't have anyone to come in and fill the vacuum of Houthi power in the city.
Maybe the UN could run the port, but not the city.
Who's going to run the city?
If the Houthis withdraw, they think the UAE is going to roll right in there.
So they're not willing to do that.
There's no third force.
And so we need a new deal right now or else this thing's going to fall apart and the fighting is going to begin again.
Exactly.
Exactly.
It is, you know, it is it is something like this because it's the confidence is zero.
And of course, the force that can run the city or the authority must be joined, must be formed from from both sides.
But it's it's, you know, it's it's not easy to it's it's not easy to form this kind of forces and authority.
What's it like at the Sana'a airport?
How much traffic comes in and out of there?
It's just international.
It's just a UN, not more.
It's still closed.
And this is the commercial traffic cannot come in at all.
Only aid at all, at all, at all, at all.
Just UN, just UN flights.
And is that the same at Hodeidah where there's no actual market transactions, only aid groups and UN and so forth?
In Sana'a now, it's.
I'm sorry, I was switching back to Hodeidah there at the port.
Are there is there any just regular trade going on or it's only aid?
Yes, it's there is some kind of commission, of course, not only aid, but it's it's not smooth.
It's it's blocked from time to time because it's under the it's under the control of Saudi.
So it's not it is not smooth.
And we've read in the past about.
Yeah, they created this inspection process that's so long that it makes sure to rot all the food before it can ever be unloaded.
Yes, of course.
Yes, yes, yes.
All right.
And I'm sorry.
So you were going to elaborate there about the Sana'a airport there.
Yes, Sana'a airport is still closed.
And it was one of the main points that made this also a problem, because it was a big demand from by by everyone, even by the people who are with them, with the with the Saudi forces.
And they wanted it to be open because there are thousands of people outside Yemen who want to come back.
And thousands of people here who are here who want to go for medical checks are very important things, but they could not.
So it's a it's a it's a humanitarian thing.
But the Saudi forces or the Saudi authorities did not want to open it because they want to they want to tighten that blockade.
And now I have another point that is related to the to the humanitarian issue.
Of course, if we want to tell your audience and your your listeners about this, it's when we say humanitarian crisis, the worst humanitarian crisis in the world, we mean that it's tens of thousands of civilians have been killed at schools, homes, hospitals, funerals, weddings, markets and etc.
And when, of course, we talk also about three thousand, I mean, three million who are homeless now.
And we talk about twenty four million Yemenis who are in need for the aid, for the for the relief, because we talk about 10 million who are at the brink of starvation.
This starvation is also made or Saudi made starvation.
There is no drought here in Yemen at all, but there is man made starvation.
And of course, last week or in 26th of February, the donors met in Geneva and the UN says that they want, they need four billion dollars to help these 24 million in Yemen who are the 80 percent, 80 percent of the population.
So they said we need, the UN says, said we need 24 billion dollars to help these people for for one year, 2019.
And the donors pledged to only pay 2.6 of that of that amount.
And the point that I want to tell you about this is that those who pledged to pay this money are involved in the aggression in a way or another, directly or indirectly.
And the major, the big donors, the big donors are those who are attacking Yemen directly.
That's Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.
So Saudi Arabia, United Arab Emirates are the big donors and they are the big killers.
This is the irony.
They are the big killers and the big donors.
Well, they make a they make a big hay out of that in public relations here in the United States.
Yes, it is.
When they talk about the war, you would think that Iran has invaded Yemen and the Saudis are rushing humanitarian aid to try to protect them.
Exactly, exactly.
This is what they what they want to tell the world, unfortunately.
Yes.
Crazy, pretty crazy.
They have to lie because they can't justify what they're doing.
I will keep I'll keep saying my points and then you can ask also when I talk my points, I have also three left.
The other one, the other thing is that now we have CNN confirmed what we have been in your show, Mr. Scott, in your show, what we have been saying all along.
CNN last month confirmed what we have been saying all along, confirmed that the American advanced weapons ended up in the hands of Qaeda and ISIS.
This is what I have been telling you all the time.
Right.
They called me from Al Jazeera English at the time to comment on this.
And I told them this is not new to us.
This is not surprise to Yemenis at all, because it's not it's not a matter of it's not only that the American weapons ended up in the hands of Qaeda, ISIS, but they they received them.
I mean, this this weapons was this weapons were handed to the Qaeda and ISIS because they are in in bases.
They have bases and they have salaries.
So they receive this equipment.
They did not, for example, take it as as war booties or as war spoils or something like no, like Houthi.
For example, there is a lot of this weapon in the hand of Houthi, but Houthi captured it.
Houthi took it as a as a war as a as a war spoils, not as as something that is handed to them.
So this is something that that the that the that the Saudi media kept misleading the world.
And of course, this issue was discussed even in the in the Congress, because it was a big thing to know that the American weapons ended up in the hands of Qaeda and ISIS.
And the other point I wanted to tell you is the the the the position of the White House and the Congress.
I mean, the position towards Yemen.
Of course, Congress, there have been a lot of efforts to stop the the Saudi, the American involvement in this.
And of course, you might have heard of these things, of these efforts.
Many resolutions have been now have have won the vote in the Senate and in the House.
And these efforts are very good.
But the problem that and the Yemenis are very happy to hear about these things.
But the White House, the White House let the White House disappointed the Yemenis.
And they the Yemenis, when they feel happy to hear the news from Congress, they unfortunately they they feel let down and they feel disappointed by that.
What the White House said about Yemen, because Mr. Pompeo, the secretary of state, only last week said to the Congress that if you care about Yemen, you should help Saudis to prevent to prevent Yemen from turning into a puppet in the hand of Iran.
This is what he's saying.
He's just he was just bartering the Saudi propaganda, Mr. Pompeo.
And this is this is what made the Yemenis feel let down and disappointed of what what could the American people and what could the Congress do?
Because, of course, the Congress has been doing a lot of things, a lot of good things.
But Pompeo came and and spoiled all these things and all the the hops.
Sorry, hold on just one second.
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All right.
So a lot to go back over there.
First of all, I just want to mention on the question of the CNN report about all of the U.S. arms that the Saudis gave to the Al-Qaeda guys there, that there's also an Amnesty International report that's come out recently all about that as well.
And as you said, this isn't just like ISIS seizing bases in western Iraq and running off with stuff.
This is stuff that is handed right to them by America's allies, the Saudis in this war.
And that reminds me of something, you know, of course.
And I'm sorry I should have mentioned this at the introduction here, that it's now four years into this war.
Started in 2015.
And I'm not sure if you and I have discussed this particular fact or not.
But I recently found a Wall Street Journal article from January of 2015 that said that, well, now that the Houthis are pretty much ensconcing themselves in power in Sana'a, that's fine with us.
And over at Central Command, we're working with the Houthis and we're passing them information.
And they are very helpfully killing Al-Qaeda targets for us.
And we're not too worried about this Iran stuff.
We think that's kind of overblown.
And we can work with these Houthi guys.
And that was their position in the war on terrorism, in the fight against AQAP, the guys who had bombed the USS Cole and who had attempted to do the underpants bomb over Detroit on Christmas Day 2009 and a couple other attacks against the United States.
And then Obama turned right around just two months later and he took Al-Qaeda's side against the Houthis because that's what this crown prince, then the deputy crown prince and defense minister wanted to do.
And Obama went along with it for no good reason whatsoever to start this war that they all knew.
And this is even what the Obama people told the New York Times was that they knew they couldn't win the war.
They knew that they were starting a thing that they couldn't finish.
They said the end of the war, it would be long, bloody and indeterminate.
Indeterminate, meaning they had no endgame.
They had no plan.
They couldn't envision that the Saudi forces are going to march into Sana'a and put Mansour Hadi back on the throne.
They didn't think that was going to happen.
But they launched the war under those pretenses anyway.
And it's been four years of slaughter now and no one has an endgame.
I mean, tell me this.
I'll put this in the form of a question for you, Nasser.
When it comes to the ground controlled by UAE and mercenary forces and Al-Qaeda forces on the ground in south and eastern Yemen, have the lines moved at all?
Are they getting any closer to Sana'a?
At all, at all, at all.
Even one centimeter, no.
In the east of Sana'a, they have been from the first month of this aggression.
And they were in the eastern part of Sana'a because it was open.
That eastern place was open.
There were no battles.
And they came to the place where they should stop and they stopped.
So they didn't do anything.
In these four years, they didn't achieve anything.
They didn't achieve anything of their declared goals or anything from their undeclared goals.
So, for example, they said they wanted to restore the so-called legitimate government.
This government is still in Riyadh.
They can't even come to Aden, which is so-called liberated.
And Houthi, for example, Houthi now is much more powerful than he was.
Because now, he said this week they would strike Riyadh and Abu Dhabi.
And of course, when he said this, he had already struck Abu Dhabi and Riyadh.
Riyadh, of course, kept saying that they intercepted, intercepted.
And Abu Dhabi kept denying that they received any attack.
But now he said he has new, powerful ballistic missiles.
And he never lied.
They know this very well, very well.
And he said this defiantly.
And of course, he said if, if they escalated, if they want to, if they don't want to go in the road of peace.
And they know what it means.
And he showed them, by the way, this time he showed them targeted places or that aerial photos and videos from the mainland, from the deep Saudi lands and very important military places and very important and very vital sites inside Saudi Arabia.
And they know, they know what these things and how it was taken.
I mean, these photos and these videos.
All right.
And now, so tell me this.
After Saleh split away from the Houthis or tried to make a deal with the Saudis behind their back and they turned around and killed him.
Did the army split?
Because I know he had brought a lot of the army with him and into this alliance with the Houthis, their former enemies.
No, let me tell you something.
No single, no single soldier and I'm responsible for what I'm saying.
No single soldier defected.
No single soldier went with the Saudi Emirati force, except, of course, except those people who were at their houses and then they found themselves without salaries and they went, of course, to make some money.
And they are and you can I mean, you can excuse them.
But no one from the from the battles, no one from the from the positions, no one from the battlefield who who left and went to the other side to the Saudi Arabia.
No, no one.
Or what about this?
I mean, they could have just made their own their own third for.
I mean, did they.
That's sort of a separate question than whether they stayed loyal to the Houthi government in Sana'a.
Whether they actually went to the other side, they could have just gone home or they could have made their own third force.
Right.
Yes, this is.
Yes, yes, yes.
So, I mean, it's not in the meaning.
It's not in the sense that the Salih defected or Salih switched side sides and they did the same.
No, no army did like Salih, because if there is if there was an army at the time or that could that would switch side like Salih, Salih would not have been killed in in 24 hours.
Yeah.
Well, yeah, crazy as it sounds, it seems like if he had gone to the Houthis first and said, listen, we can make a peace deal with the Saudis where essentially I get my old job back or one of my underlings, you know, gets the new position, we could have a peace deal here.
Maybe they would have gone along with it.
I don't know.
But certainly going behind their back didn't work out well.
Exactly.
And it's only all of a sudden, you know, it's all of a sudden.
And not only this, and he he he called for uprising.
He called for for rising up against Houthi and nobody responded to him at all because it was crazy.
It was just overnight.
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All right.
Now, so let's let's talk about, you know, obviously the whole public relations push behind the war is about Iran and that the Houthis essentially are like Hezbollah, where they're this, you know, external front group type force for Iran.
And of course, you know, in the media, the story goes that, well, see, they're Shia and they might be different kinds of Shia, but they're Shia.
And so that's really all you need to know.
And I guess critics of the war from time to time seem to concede that Iran is playing some role, although no one ever really seems to describe it in very much detail at all.
You see, this is something that that needs to be to be clear.
Iran is exploiting the situation, but Iran is not in Yemen at all.
Iran is exploiting.
Iran is supporting.
Yes, supporting and wish to support and wish to do whatever Houthi wants.
But it could not.
I mean, it's very far and it's not it doesn't have that.
It's not like Saudi Arabia.
But it's, you know, media, political support.
Yes.
No one can deny this.
But to say that missiles are coming from Iran, it's a very silly thing because you can't prove it.
How?
I mean, Saudi Arabia is surrounding you.
So how would how Iran would come with the missiles to Yemen?
And the other thing is that if there is kind of of expertise or, you know, some know-how technology or something like this, this can be this can be done through emails or any but not.
I mean, there is no single Iranian expert or soldier in Yemen.
And the problem that is in Yemen is made by Saudi Arabia.
Saudi Arabia is the one who is killing and destroying Yemen.
No one else.
So it's it's it's pointless to say Iran is the reason Iran is doing this or Iran is is hurting Yemen or Iran is.
No, because the one who is killing Yemen is Saudi Arabia in front of the world, not Iran.
So but of course, Iran, I mean, Yemenis are getting closer to Iran if they if they if there is if there is no option, of course.
But.
Oh, go ahead.
I'm sorry.
I mean, it's if there is no option, if you can't find anyone, you can go to Iran or.
But now it's even difficult to to to go to Iran and to to help you.
It's just, as I told you, it's just media and political, but not concrete things at all, because it can't.
Iran can't can't help with concrete things to to to to healthy here.
And does the air campaign over SANA continue?
They never stop at all, at all, at all.
But over the last few days, let me say it was it was OK.
But with one here, here, sometimes they, you know, they they they get hurt in Saudi Arabia or at the border.
They come here to to to bomb a base or a house.
They think there is someone here or there.
For example, last week, they they came not to SANA, they came to to to Hajjah and they killed they killed 52 women and children from three families.
And they they they before that strike, they aired in the Saudi TVs that this is the Houthi fighters and we killed them.
And at the end of the day or two hours later, it turned out to be women and children who were hiding in two houses.
Now, Yemenis have that hard evidence that they killed they killed the women and children because they you can you can see that they the women, I mean, they were women, not not anyone else.
And I mean, it's completely covered.
And the children, you can see in their video that they were women.
But they say they are Houthi fighters and they killed 22 women and children and injured 30, 30, 3-0.
And now, so back to the international diplomacy and this and that, it seems like if anything's going to end the war, it would simply be a lack of political will in Washington, D.C. to continue it.
And as you mentioned, the House and the Senate have passed resolutions, historic resolutions under the War Powers Act.
But Trump just says he's going to veto it.
I guess he hasn't vetoed it yet, but he will soon enough.
He's defying it at this point.
And and so I guess we're talking before about the Stockholm agreement was over, you know, who's to administer the Hodeidah port and try to keep a minor ceasefire there.
But is there any other real effort by the United Nations or other groups by any other?
I mean, obviously, it's not the U.S.
What about the U.K. or anyone else?
Does it look like they're close to deciding to push for a real compromise and an end to the war here since no side's going to win?
It's not like the Houthis are going to, you know, invade and sack Riyadh and declare victory that way.
All they can do is hold off this assault, which they've been able to do.
And then, of course, as long as the superpower is backing the American empire, that is, is backing Saudi Arabia and Qatar, they can keep this up indefinitely.
So someone has to call this off in some office building somewhere with a handshake.
Is it what's the effort to make sure that happens?
I think it's the efforts are being made, still being made, of course.
But the counter effects, if I can say, the effects from Saudi and Emirati are even more.
And this is why Mr. Bombayo, Secretary Bombayo and the Secretary Hunt, that is a British foreign minister, seemed last week to be completely biased with Saudi and Emirati.
And this is why the Bombayos said the same way, as I told you, if you want, if you care about Yemen, you should support Saudi Arabia.
This is what he told the Congress.
And the British foreign minister, Jeremy Hunt, also said something like this.
He said that this is the last chance, the last chance in the room, or the last chance for peace.
And he said something like, he said many statements here when he came to Aden.
He came to Aden to salvage, as he said.
But at the end, it turned out that he came only to help Saudis and Emiratis to continue their way.
I think now they want to try the all-out war in Hodeidah.
This is what I feel as an observer from the very beginning.
If they want to try it, let them try it.
And it will be, I mean, it will be good for them to stop, either to stop or to stop believing them, believing Saudis and Emiratis, or to believe them.
Because it's not, if they keep believing and they keep being deceived by or misled by Saudis, because Saudis at the very beginning, they said it's only days or at most weeks.
Now we are at the end of the fourth year.
And they didn't do anything.
So if there is sincere, if there is a will to end this war, it would come only from Washington.
This is what would stop Saudis and Emiratis from bullying and doing mistakes and bad things to Yemen.
I mean, I have to tell you, to me, it's just absolutely a miracle that anyone in Congress cares enough to have pushed these resolutions through the way they have, considering all the PR money and effort that goes into Saudi Arabian relations and virtually no one who really is, there's no Yemen lobby.
There's no one that speaks for the Yemeni side of the story at all.
There's no pro-Iran lobby that would even explain the Houthi side of the story in any like vested interest political way in Washington, D.C.
It's simply that you have some congressmen who for whatever reason have decided they're sick and tired of this one.
And it's unfortunate they don't have enough to override Trump's veto or any kind of this thing.
Do you know what we want most?
What we want from the Congress?
We want from the Congress to keep talking only.
We know that it's not going to do anything to Yemen.
We know that it's completely different.
We know the implications of these things.
But it's OK.
We are happy.
I am as Yemeni.
I'm very happy to hear the Congress talk, because we want them to talk that there is a war in Yemen, there is Saudi war in Yemen, and we support this war, and there is massacres, there is carnage, there is a lot of problems.
And we want them to name and shame the Saudi crown prince or clown prince as a killer.
So it's OK.
Otherwise, we know that it's difficult, and there are a lot of other calculations, and there is no Yemeni lobby, as you said, and there is no money.
Yes, but they talk now, and we are happy that they are talking about Yemen and the problem.
It's OK, like media, and it's OK.
Of course, well, and because the simple truth is that this is horrible and wrong and can't possibly succeed even on its own terms, and so that's it.
It must be called off.
It's the worst crisis in the world, and it's the most powerful country in the world picking on the weakest one, and for no reason that anyone could possibly hope to try to justify.
The thing is as bogus as it could be, and with, you know, world historical kind of suffering going on, you know, like the southwestern portion of the Arabian Peninsula, like those people from there are ever going to forget that time that the North Americans came and slaughtered them for no reason at all.
It's crazy that we would do this.
Exactly.
Exactly.
Exactly.
Sorry.
Some of us have hated it even before, even back when you were just reporting on the war against Al-Qaeda there.
I was even against that, but boy, this thing is 10 times worse than that.
But it's, you know, it's always, as I told you, it's always, you know, we need to talk because, you know, we need to talk.
We need to inform the world.
This is what Saudis try to deprive us, to deny us from, because they don't want the world to know what's happening in Yemen.
And, of course, when we saw the report in CNN last month, and when Chris Murphy said, oh, thank you for this good report, and the U.S. military force didn't know what's happening, this and this and this, it's very good.
Of course, we were very happy, not because it's new to us, but because they know what we are saying, what we have been saying all the time.
But it's OK, then.
I mean, this is what we expect.
We don't expect more from the Congress, because we know, I mean, the complications and the things, you know.
Well, and as I see a retweet or two of yours about, you know, making a comparison to the horrible massacre in New Zealand, where one man with a gun killed 50 people, Muslims praying in a mosque on Friday, and yet this is the kind of thing we do all the time.
Just like the Waco massacre still is upsetting to me and a lot of other people from back in 1993 here in Texas, the FBI and the Delta Force massacred all of these people.
Well, what's Yemen other than a Waco massacre every day, or a New Zealand massacre on a regular basis, only it's, well, in the case of Waco, it's the same, but compared to New Zealand, this is a crime of state.
It's the U.S. government doing it and not just a lone nut doing it.
But so, which is worse.
You know, for some reason, that means that they get off the hook for that.
But that's even worse, of course.
This is why I'm telling you we need the media to talk, because, you know, that media, when they talked about the New Zealand massacre last week, we know what happened.
We know what's happening now.
But we see massacres even worse every day for four years now, for four years now.
And sometimes, as I told you, 50 people from three families, that is women and children who were killed the day before that massacre of New Zealand.
So the problem is the media.
The media is a problem now because we don't have the voice in the media.
Yeah, it's true.
You know what, though?
I hate to say this because it sounds ridiculous on the face of it, but I have a little bit of high hopes for the upcoming primary campaign because there's one good anti-war candidate, Tulsi Gabbard, and she's not good on everything.
She's really not good on everything.
But she did two tours in Iraq War II, so she knows the difference between who and who.
So she's the kind of person who would be for a war against al-Qaeda, but against a war for al-Qaeda.
And so, you know what I mean?
So she was terribly opposed to the policy in Syria of backing the al-Qaeda terrorists against Assad, and she understands.
She's bright enough and well-informed enough to know essentially that USA is flying as al-Qaeda's air force and is equipping their infantry on the ground in Yemen right now.
She's sophisticated enough to understand that, and she really does care about it and wants to fight about it.
And the rest of them, they don't understand, and they want to fight about it too.
And so I really, I don't mean to be too naive, but I think that there's real room for not just a discussion, but a good fight about who's on whose side and why and whether that's right or whether that's wrong in this upcoming presidential primary season on the Democrats' side.
Very good, very good.
I wish you and her all the best.
Yeah, me too.
I wish you and her all the best.
What we need, what we need is what we need as humans everywhere.
And of course, when we say, you know, U.S. is leading the world.
No one can deny this.
So it's, I mean, if something good there, it will be good for everyone.
But if it's bad, it's bad for everyone.
Now Trump is bad for everyone, unfortunately.
But, you know, he likes, he likes the killer.
We don't know why he likes the Mohammed bin Salman more than anyone, more than any Saudi, more than any Arab, more than he likes him.
He likes him with his mistakes, with his problems, with his crimes, with his.
So this is the problem.
Yep.
Yeah.
I don't know exactly what the secret is, too.
I mean, and I'm not really sure that that the Saudis have more influence over Trump than they had over the Bushes.
I guess they had a little bit more, you know, contentious relationship with Obama, but he always did what they wanted anyway.
No, no.
Such as launching this war.
It's not a matter of Saudi influence, of course.
It's not.
I know this very well.
No, no.
I guess you're talking about how much personal, how personal it is.
It's just Trump likes these kind of people to just to milk them, to milk the money.
That's it.
Not more than anything else.
Yeah.
Well, and he openly says that to bragging about what, in the scheme of things, are very small weapons deals.
You know, a couple of billion dollars here, there.
It's a lot of bombs to kill a lot of Yemenis.
But in terms of, you know, a financial effect for the benefit of the American people, I mean, it's completely, absolutely ridiculous and negligible.
And if anything, of course, is just a waste as our industries are geared toward destruction instead of creation in the first place.
No, no.
What we want as Yemenis is what we want from the U.S. administration, from Trump administration, to think of its interest and of the American interest more than the Yemenis, of course, when it comes to the relation with Saudi Arabia.
Because now they endanger, I mean, Trump endangers the American lives with his relations with Saudis and with his support for the Saudi war in Yemen.
It's very dangerous to the American people more than anything else.
But this is what we want them to understand.
Not to do everything for us for nothing.
No.
But we want them to at least to protect their interests.
Al Qaeda, ISIS, are the one who is fighting on the ground.
They keep saying no, no, no, no.
This is the problem.
Yeah.
Well, and that's the thing, right?
Yeah.
Again, a little bit of education about who's who over here in this conflict to go a long way.
So anyway, I'm sorry.
The fact that we're even having this conversation four years into this war is itself just incredible and horrible.
But I really appreciate you coming on the show to talk about this stuff with us as always, Nasser.
Good luck to you there.
Thank you very much.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Thank you.
Bye.
Okay, guys.
That's Nasser Araby.
He's a reporter out of Sana'a, Yemen.
You find him on Twitter at N-Araby.
And it's A-R-R-A-B-Y-E-E.
N-Araby on Twitter to get his good stuff there.
And he runs a media production company called Yemen Alon.
And on that Twitter feed, you'll find original reporting and stuff.
It ain't just tweets.
He's out there on the ground getting it done.
All right, y'all.
Thanks.
Find me at LibertarianInstitute.org, at ScottHorton.org, AntiWar.com, and Reddit.com, slash Scott Horton Show.
Oh, yeah, and read my book, Fool's Errand, Timed and the War in Afghanistan, at foolserrand.us.
