Sorry, I'm late.
I had to stop by the Wax Museum again and give the finger to FDR.
We know Al-Qaeda, Zawahiri is supporting the opposition in Syria.
Are we supporting Al-Qaeda in Syria?
It's a proud day for America.
And by God, we've kicked Vietnam syndrome once and for all.
Thank you very, very much.
I say it, I say it again, you've been had.
You've been took.
You've been hoodwinked.
These witnesses are trying to simply deny things that just about everybody else accepts as fact.
He came, he saw us, he died.
We ain't killing they army, but we killing them.
We be on CNN like Say Our Name been saying, say it three times.
The meeting of the largest armies in the history of the world.
Then there's going to be an invasion.
All right, you guys, again, on the line, Nasser Arabi, reporter out of Sana, Yemen.
Welcome back to the show.
How are you doing, Nasser?
Thank you very much.
Happy to have you on.
It's at N-Arabi.
That's two R's and two E's in Arabi.
N-Arabi on Twitter, if you guys want to follow him there.
And Yemen Alon is the website, former New York Times reporter and a regular guest on this show for now, going on four years since the start of this phase of the war against the Houthi government that took over Sana back at the end of 2014, beginning of 2015.
I guess, should we start with the state of the ceasefire in the Hodeidah port?
That seems to be the most important thing, probably, right?
Yes, I think this is a very good start to talk about everything from this point.
The ceasefire in Hodeidah is still holding for one month now, more than one month.
But it is very fragile.
I mean, a lot of skirmishes, a lot of clashes happening here and there and inside the city, I mean, outskirts of the city and in the province of Hodeidah.
Of course, the whole ceasefire, your audience should know that the ceasefire is not an entire, it is not for all Yemen.
It's just for the Hodeidah, only Hodeidah.
It is the coastal province in the west of Yemen on the Red Sea.
So it is only on Hodeidah because it's the most important strategic port of Yemen and the only lifeline now for millions of Yemenis under the starvation.
So this ceasefire is still holding, but with a lot of breaches and violations.
Yeah, I've read, there's been reports of shelling back and forth, this and that, but essentially the ships are getting in and the goods are being removed from the ships and put on the trucks and that much is going forward despite small skirmishes around.
Is that right?
Exactly.
Yes, this is right.
This is right.
Yes.
With some difficulties, of course.
Sometimes the ships are not, you know, they're getting in and out is not that normal as usual, but it's okay.
It's okay.
Better than nothing, you know?
Yeah, of course.
So the most important also, what is more important now is what did they do with the Stockholm agreement?
Because this ceasefire is only one point of two important points that included in the Stockholm deal last December, which in whole, which was only to build confidence between the two bodies.
So these two, let me just remind you of these two important things that this Sweden deal was reached for.
One is ceasefire in Hodeida and ceasefire includes, necessarily, includes redeployment of the forces.
And the second one is the prisoner swap.
So these two points, the ceasefire and the redeployment in Hodeida, redeployment of the forces from all sides, of course, and the prisoner swap were only to build the confidence for what?
For more comprehensive ceasefire and more negotiations to end the war.
So what happened now?
Nothing.
The Stockholm deal was not implemented.
That the period for this, the period for it was one month.
Now we are one month and more and nothing whatsoever, nothing was implemented, which means the forces, the Houthi forces are in their places, in the first place, in the previous places, and the Saudi-Emirati-backed forces are in their places.
No, nothing happened, no redeployment, right?
The second point, which is the prisoner swap, which is a very, very urgent humanitarian issue, it was not implemented.
No single detainee or war prisoner or of those who possibly disappeared, no one was released.
Although, of course, they were supposed to be released on 21st of January.
This prisoner swap should have happened on 21st of January.
Now we are 25, right?
So nothing has happened at all.
Well, and not only that, but at least the last I heard, I guess it was maybe a week ago or so, the AP was saying that the various sides refused to meet, refused to even be in the same room with each other or continue the process of negotiation.
So what you're saying is, in other words, all we have is a ceasefire for now, but no other progress.
Shaky, very shaky, very shaky.
And that really calls into question how long the ceasefire can hold if they're not willing to continue to make progress.
I'll tell you now, I'll tell you also.
The UN envoy came the day before, came two days ago to Sana'a or three days ago, right?
Why did he come?
He came only to salvage the Sweden deal.
Because it is the confidence building step.
So he came to salvage it from collapsing.
When he came, of course, he met with the officials here, with the Houthi officials and their allies here in Sana'a for three days.
And then he left with the UN chief monitor, that is the Dutch general, Patrick Cameron.
He left with him.
And this means a lot, because the man maybe reached a deadlock or maybe fed up.
We don't know.
He, of course, his convoy was subjected to gunfire earlier this month in Hudaydah where he was going to meet the Saudi-Emirati backed forces.
No one, of course, he didn't say who fired at his convoy.
He was not able to say who.
And nobody was able, of course, and it's very difficult to say who.
But he was, I mean, his convoy is subjected to gunfire.
And before that gunfire, Houthi was in a problem with him.
And they blamed him for a lot of problems.
They said he was working outside the agreement of Stockholm deal.
And a lot of things happened.
Now there is some kind of rumors that he is going to resign.
But the UN denied this yesterday from New York, saying he's not going.
He hasn't resigned, they said.
But there is a problem, of course.
There is a problem.
He couldn't do anything.
Maybe he finds it doesn't work or he can't build any confidence with both sides or something like this.
But this is the problem.
So now what is new also that I could say is two things.
The momentum, the international momentum is still there.
And this is a good thing.
This is a good sign.
The British government just the day before said that they would finance, they would support UN with exactly 2.5 million pounds, just to help UN to manage the Hodeida boats.
And to help in demining operations in Hodeida.
And to help also in establishing new and neutral police from both sides.
Why they said this?
Because the most important thing or the biggest obstacle maybe was who would run the boats, who would run the city of Hodeida if there is redeployment.
And this is very, very controversial point because the deal in Sweden was cocked in haste.
Very quickly they made it.
So it didn't say who would run the city.
They just said local authority.
And this term local authority is very, you know, local authority means, local authority now is not, local authority is at least, if it is not 100% Houthi, it is led by Houthi.
So it is not clear who would protect the boats, who would protect the city, who would, all these things were not clear at all.
So I think now what the British government did is also to help, is to help continue the momentum for this deal.
And this also made some kind of hope.
And some hope that they would continue because, you know, they were supposed to meet now for more negotiations, for more comprehensive ceasefire.
But the first one was not implemented yet.
So they are still at the beginning.
And they know very much that if this collapsed, if this confidence building deal, which is the Sweden, they would return to square one, of course.
And it would be very, very difficult to reach the point they are at now.
So we hope that they could do something to rescue and to salvage the thing.
And I think what Han today said in New York, in the U.S., I don't know where he is, but he said today that he would attend the Warsaw, the Warsaw conference, the Warsaw summit that Trump is calling for, to confront Iran on condition that there would, there should be a meeting on the sideline of this summit on Yemen.
This is what he said just an hour ago or so.
And this also tells me that the British is still trying to keep the international momentum high and good in favor of stopping and ending the war in Yemen.
I'm sorry.
Hang on just one second.
Hey, y'all, I was talking with Derek Sher from Listen and Think Audiobooks, and he agrees with me that it's so important that the Trump White House hears from large numbers of Americans who support his efforts to end the wars in Syria and Afghanistan, especially from combat veterans like himself.
The president must hear voices of support from out here in the real world to counteract the cries of the war party in D.C. and on TV.
Now, the phone lines are jammed, but they have a pretty good email system there at WhiteHouse.gov.
Email me, Scott at ScottHorton.org when you do, and Derek Sher if at Listen and Think Audiobooks will give you two free ones for your effort.
Well, and now, but so I've read that there's been an increase in the air campaign over Sana'a, to Sana'a, against Sana'a in the past couple of weeks.
Is that right?
Yes, this is something separate, but you know, because the ceasefire is not, I mean, it is not, the airstrikes are not violating, the airstrikes are not breaching, because the ceasefire is only in Hodeidah, right?
The war is still there.
The war in 40 fronts is raging.
So, but what happened last week here in Sana'a is one of the crazy things that we are used to see from Saudis.
It is, you know, there is some kind of, there is a new advanced drone, they call it Touka, that is with a long ring and that is very powerful.
And they redeployed, the Houthi redeployed this kind of drones and they tested it by attacking an airbase that is the most ever, the most fortified airbase, not only in Yemen, in the region that is in the south, where there are also American troops to train and to also to monitor Al-Qaeda movements and Al-Qaeda activity and all these things.
This drone went there and attacked a parade, attacked this airbase in the south, that is Al-Anad airbase with a drone and they hit the platform, the platform while there was a big parade and they killed the head of the military intelligence, of the military intelligence and many other commanders were injured and many soldiers were, about eight soldiers were killed.
And of course this was video and it went, this video was or went viral everywhere in the world and everybody saw the operation, the details of the operation.
So Saudi Arabia came last week to, to say, to destroy, if I can say, to destroy in the Saudi way, to destroy the storage and the stockpiles of the drones.
And they, they, what they did here in Sana'a of course, it was like the first day of war.
They came and at, in the middle of the night and, you know, they kept the bombings until, you know, about six hours, bombing Sana'a, you know, and Sana'a and other places, but Sana'a, they focused on Sana'a and they killed some civilian people and they destroyed some houses.
But they didn't, I mean, they, they, they didn't, they didn't reach the drones, the stones, but they said in their media that they, they destroyed all the drones, stockpile and the, the storage and everything.
No drone anymore now.
This is what they said to their people in their, in their media.
And it is very, it was very, you know, laughing and, and laugh stock.
They were very laugh stock because nobody would, and nobody would, would believe them because they destroyed, they destroyed places, they hit the hit places and nothing new.
And nobody, nobody in Yemen would believe that Houthi would bought missiles or drones in that places, that open places, that destroyed places that everybody knows.
Not only the, the agents of Saudi Arabia, but everybody knows that they are destroyed and they are known.
Yes, they are military places, but very, but they are abandoned now.
They are empty, no, no equipment, no forces, no.
So now Saudi Arabia said, now I destroyed the drones that are threatening us and threatening Saudi Arabia mainland and also the bases and military bases.
This is what happened just last week.
They came and bombed destroyed places only.
And they were looking for the drones, but drones are in a very, very, in a very safe place.
And Houthi always keep telling them that they would never, ever know where, because it's, they know, because Houthi, I mean, Saudis paint Yemen as, as one hotel or one zone or one.
No, Yemen is 500 kilo, 500,000 kilometers.
And they, they can, they can bought in any place that Saudi would not, would not know.
Whatever they have, I mean, it's difficult, but now they didn't even, the Saudis didn't even try to go some other places.
They came to destroy the places that everybody knows and that they are already destroyed.
And they were hit thousands of times from the beginning of this war.
So this is what happened last week in Sana'a.
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All right, now, so overall, the Saudis goals to drive the Houthis out of power in Sana'a and, or, you know, possibly including reinstalling the former Hadi government.
I mean, forget that.
Obviously that's never going to happen, but just as far as the Saudi goal of driving the Houthis out of power in Sana'a and replacing them with who knows who, have they come any closer to that goal?
No, this is impossible.
This is impossible.
If they don't know where to head, I mean, if they don't know, if they didn't even know where the equipment like missiles and drones could be, so how they would do something like this?
Because they use the very, very old information from their advisors there.
I mean, the defectors and the military defectors and those who are with them now in Riyadh.
So they don't know at all.
Let me make a comparison for you.
In 2011, the Obama administration launched a war against the Gaddafi regime in Libya, and they had NATO air power in the air, which is, you know, analogous here to Saudi air power backed by the U.S.
And they had militias on the ground, which are analogous to UAE forces in the south of the country, right?
And so it took about nine months, but eventually they were able to march from east to west and sack the capital city and drive the former government out of power.
And the rest is history, of course.
So I guess I'm interested in why it is that after four years with essentially American air power, American F-15s with American guidance and intelligence and everything all the way through in the air war and with ground forces, how come they haven't been able to make any progress since 2016 or so when they drove the Houthis out of Aden?
By the way, by the way, Saudis are not talking about unseating Houthis from power.
No, they are not talking about this.
They are talking about bringing him to the table, not more.
So you're saying they really have revised their goals down recently.
Yes, they don't say we want to unseat Houthis from power.
I mean, when they speak formally, not in terms of propaganda or media or things, they talk about we want to bring them to, because who is now refusing?
Houthi is refusing more.
I mean, now Houthi doesn't want that, because they said he's not good and he's unwanted.
And I think he's not coming back because they are in a strong position.
And they talk from a strong position.
They are on the ground.
But Saudis are talking like, you know, like talking in the air.
Because, I mean, they are not deep seated.
And they talk just as propaganda.
We will destroy.
We will this and we will this and we will win.
And we will enter Samar.
We will this.
But just propaganda.
But they don't have any strategy that you can see they are moving or they want to reach or they want to achieve.
No.
So, I mean, that really is an unfortunate turn there.
You're saying that the Saudis have really realized that the game is up, that they're not going to be able to have it the way they wanted it.
And they're just trying to find a safe, face-saving way to quit now.
But the Houthis, being in a position of strength, are now mocking the idea of negotiating with the Saudis, even at the expense of so much of the population who are suffering under this war.
Yes.
Let me give you an example.
For example, Hodeidah now.
Hodeidah, they are at the outskirts.
At the outskirts of Hodeidah, as I told you about six months ago.
At the outskirts, close to the airport.
At the outskirts of Hodeidah, right?
The city.
But now, they feel that they are in a quagmire.
Houthis are telling them, okay, if you don't want, let's go and fight.
Houthis are not saying, no, no, no, please, you are now in the last ditch.
No.
Because it's only them who would go deeper in this quagmire.
Houthis are in the war.
So, they don't know.
They want to make face-saving, yes.
But they don't know how.
Because they feel that it's only the Houthis getting stronger in terms of drones and ballistic missiles.
And they just, they keep lying.
We destroyed them.
We destroyed Houthi.
We destroyed this and this.
And nothing is right.
You see?
So, they are depending on lies and propaganda and misleading.
But they are not doing something on a strategy.
Yeah.
Well, so, I guess there's still hope for the House of Representatives to join in with the U.S. Senate.
And it looks like Representative Ro Khanna is going to introduce this resolution.
I hope sooner rather than later.
But the report, I think, in The Guardian said that it's supposed to be the exact same language as the Senate version.
The Senate will have to re-vote on theirs.
But according to the report, I think at AntiWar.com, the exact same 51 senators who voted for it last time are still there.
So, there's every expectation that the Senate and the House will be able – because now the Democrats control the House – that now they should have the votes to pass the War Powers Resolution in both Houses to demand an end to the war.
So, that could be coming up.
Yes, this is what's going to happen for sure.
This is why the Secretary of State came to Riyadh and said that he's supporting the Stockholm Deal and they should keep it there.
But, you know, he's trying to convince some of the Congress people, whether in Senate or House, not to vote for this.
Because they know that now it's for sure.
It's going to pass.
And this will be a big thing for Trump and for all the hawks in the Trump administration.
But I think the most important thing is this.
Is that what is happening now in Hodeidah.
Hodeidah is a make or break situation.
And they did everything they could now.
I mean, the international community and Trump.
But now, if Hodeidah Trust or Hodeidah Deal collapses, then it will be very difficult and the difficulties will not be on Houthi.
It will be on them more.
Because it will be a big thing.
Maybe, yes, the humanitarian catastrophe would be even worse.
But it will be also a problem to Yemen and to the region and even to Iran that they want now to confront, as Trump is saying.
So, it is a big problem.
The only thing that they could do is to help the Yemenis to reach more comprehensive ceasefire and more negotiations and end the war altogether.
This is what would help.
Yeah.
All right.
Now, so, speaking of which, I know that you've always tried to keep track or at least at one point, you were keeping track as best you could of the number of casualties of people killed in violent attacks in the war.
I think civilian and military based on compiling hospital statistics and this kind of thing.
And your numbers have always been far higher than the UN estimate.
Although, ACLA data and their survey that they did, their best estimates seem to corroborate yours quite well.
But I wonder if you have a more recent update to your estimate of violent deaths.
And then, you know, I'd like to talk about the family.
Let me tell you something about this, because what I focused on became now known to a lot of people, a lot of media everywhere.
And I received a lot, a lot of calls and made a lot of interviews about this, because it was almost me who was speaking about this number.
But a lot of people now helping me and a lot of, even from the UN, because they know that the problem is there.
I mean, it was a problem.
It was a problem.
Because the United Nations might have been instructed to keep it, to stop it, to stop counting, because it's from the first year of war.
Now we are in the fourth year.
We are entering the fifth year.
So who would believe that that number is the right 10,000, 10,000, 10,000?
What I say now is, now they are talking about 50 now.
They are talking about 50 that I was talking about.
A lot of people, I mean, they don't now look at, they ignored the UN statistics, the people who want to know.
Many people outside and inside Yemen.
And my statistics is about 100 now.
My statistics and people who helped me, we are talking about 100,000 civilians killed and injured.
And when we say killed and injured, of course, they killed and injured civilians, only civilians.
This is a big number, of course, a big number that United Nations only say now about 5,000, they say, when they talk about civilians.
Because the 10 number, the 10,000 includes the military and all these things in the opinion of United Nations.
It's very, very funny.
And now, so who is, who all are your colleagues that you work together to come up with this number?
And what can you tell us about your methodology there?
Yes, we have, I have many, and I gave their contacts to many people, human rights, local human rights groups, and observatories.
And some civil society organizations who are also helping, who are helping the families of those who were killed or injured, like the martyrs family, as they say.
And so they, also there are people who call us from very remote places who don't see or who can't contact with any kind of organizations or UN officials.
And they tell us, and we just try to add, we try to estimate.
And we have now, we actually, we improved our methodology now, because of your questions in your interviews.
You, Mr. Scott, because you helped me a lot, because you asked me a lot of questions.
And I raised the questions to these people and they helped us.
And now we have a voice now, we have a voice now.
Nobody now, nobody say, no, no, no, what are you talking about?
No, because they know that the United Nations, the United, with all this potential and resources, they stopped counting at all.
But now we try to do with our resources, with our modest resources.
And we did a lot of things and we also, we found a lot of people who helped us and who believe us and who said this is reasonable.
Sorry, just one second.
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All right, now, and as we're entering here the fifth year, as you say, of this war, is there just mass starvation?
People are just, by the thousands, they're just dying and dying.
This would be an entirely separate count.
You're talking about violent deaths in the war, but the deaths by deprivation.
I'll tell you, let me frame it this way for you, Nasser.
From the very beginning of this war, or at least the first year, we were told by Oxfam and other groups that this population is on the brink of starvation.
That they import so much of their food and it's such a poor country anyway.
And that people are on, you know, that there's a famine essentially this whole time.
And yet the way that they phrase it is that it's always on the brink rather than it's actually happening now.
Exactly.
See, of course, we are not talking about the people who died because of sickness or illness.
Because they were starved, because they couldn't go to Yemen, because of the closure of the airport, or because of no hospitals or something like that.
No, no, no.
I'm talking about those people, those civilians who were killed at homes, schools, hospitals, weddings, funerals, markets, and farms, and all these things.
If we talk about those who were starved, who are starving to death, I'll refer you only to the children only, who are talking now about 85,000 children and adults, of course, not only children, but mostly children.
Who died because of hunger, because of starvation.
This is very accurate.
This is very accurate statistics from Save the Children here in Yemen.
So just imagine now how they count and what difficulties they face and what conditions they have.
And then you can guess how many in reality have already died, whether children or adults, because of the starvation and because of the lack of food.
Yeah.
I see FuseNet here has an estimate that 17 million people in Yemen are in need of urgent action, as they phrase it.
They have their own different categories for the level of famine here.
Yeah, this is the UN.
This is what UN says.
This is what UN officials keep saying now in all conferences.
Yeah, FuseNet itself, the Famine Early Warning System, is what that stands for.
That's right.
That's right.
And that's supported by the US and the UK.
That's where the money comes from.
It's from the governments of America and Britain are the ones who support this thing, and they're the ones.
So in other words, it's somewhat against interest for them to say this, and yet they're saying it too.
And it's really worth emphasizing here that this is deliberate.
That this strategy, because essentially the Saudis don't really have a land army other than al-Qaeda suicide bombers, and so they can't really just invade and have their way in the country at all.
And so this has really been their plan, essentially, is just to attack farms, attack, you know, as the recent report by Martha Mundi that documented.
Where they're attacking flocks of sheep, where they're attacking every bit of the irrigation trenches, everything they can to destroy the food resources of this country, to deliberately wage a medieval starvation campaign against the civilian population.
Yes, this is what Saudi Arabia is doing.
And, you know, we were able to bring some journalists, some international journalists over the last few months, and I am proud to say I helped them.
I helped many of them with a lot of adventures, a lot of difficulties.
But they made it, and they did a lot of things.
They helped us.
They told people what Saudi Arabia is doing.
Because I talked them to the extreme north, to the border of Saudi Arabia, to see what they did.
And they saw everything, everything.
The last one was from TV, was TV from Brussels, and they did a lot, a lot of good things, a lot of good things.
But it is, unfortunately, it is in Dutch.
It is Dutch-speaking TV, but he did a lot, a lot, a lot of things.
This is the last media who came from, who came last, this year, this month, I mean, this month.
I'm talking about last week.
And they did a lot, a lot of things.
And they saw what Saudi Arabia is doing.
Because they did the crazy thing.
Nobody, no war was like Saudi Arabia's war in Yemen at all.
Yeah.
And now, listen, I hate to do this, but I got to end this on the most ironic note here, Nasser.
And that is that I was talking with Mark Perry, a great Pentagon reporter.
And he had done a story way back in 2015, as soon as this war started, this phase of the war, you know, the attack by Saudi against the Houthis.
He had written a story for Al Jazeera America, where he quoted generals, American generals from the Pentagon, mostly Air Force, I think, who were really upset about this and didn't want it to be this way.
And yet, but when I was interviewing Mark Perry recently, the way he put it went beyond that.
He said America was working with the Houthis against al-Qaeda at the time of the start of the war.
And so I hadn't remembered him saying that before.
So I went searching it.
And what I found was a piece from the Wall Street Journal from January of 2015.
Yes.
Right around exactly four years ago.
And this is before there's really the first hint, I guess, that the Saudis are actually going to intervene here and stop this or anything like that.
And what they're saying is that they're perfectly happy with the Houthis taking power.
They don't mind the Houthis taking power.
They're in alliance with Saleh, their old buddy anyway.
And so they don't care.
All they care about is AQAP.
And they want to kill AQAP.
And so they're passing intelligence to the Houthis to kill AQAP fighters.
And this is the context.
America in a de facto alliance with the northern Houthi power that had come and seized the capital city here was working with them right up until the moment that Obama betrayed them and with Saudi declared war on them and started this carpet bombing campaign against them.
How do you like that?
I would assure you, Scott, and I think I told you many times that any American official, any American official who is interested only in tracking Qaeda and ISIS, in fighting Qaeda and ISIS, in defeating Qaeda and ISIS would only think that the best ally is Houthi.
Is it the Houthi?
Because he's the real enemy of Qaeda and ISIS.
They know it.
They know it.
Whether you calculate it from an ideological point of view or political or whatever, because they know this.
And for example, I'll give you an example now that the American officials, the American administration, the current administration, made during this four years of war, they made two deals with Houthi and they talked, they released American prisoners from the intelligence prison here in Sana'a.
Two times.
From Houthi.
And they took them with the Omani airports from Sana'a to Oman and from Oman to the United States.
So, I mean, they know that you could talk to Houthi if you want.
You could talk.
You could reach with him.
You could reach something.
You could reach a deal.
But with the government, with the so-called U.N.-recognized government or internationally-recognized government, as they call it, you can't even talk with anyone because you have a lot of presidents.
You have a lot of prime ministers.
You have a lot of heads you don't know to whom you talk and to whom you agree.
They know when they go to Eden.
They know very well what I'm talking about now.
They know.
All right, you guys.
That's Nasser Arabi.
He is reporting again from Sana'a, Yemen, as we start the fifth year of the American-Saudi UAE and Sudanese and others.
They always get left out.
Speaking of Mark Perry, he had a piece about Sudanese mercenaries, and then it came out about a week later that that included child soldiers recruited from the Janjaweed militias of the western Darfur region of Sudan who are essentially conscripted and made to fight for the UAE in Yemen right now.
Another crazy facet of this story.
But anyway, I won't keep you any longer.
Thank you very much for your time, Nasser.
I appreciate it.
Thank you very much, Scott.
Thank you very much for us, Scott.
Thank you for having me.
Thank you.
All right, you guys.
That's Nasser Arabi.
Again, you can follow him on Twitter at N-Arabi.
That's two R's and two E's.
N-A-R-A-B-Y-E-E.
All right, y'all.
Thanks.
Find me at libertarianinstitute.org, at scotthorton.org, antiwar.com, and reddit.com slash scotthortonshow.
Oh, yeah, and read my book, Fool's Errand, Timed and the War in Afghanistan, at foolserrand.us.
