Nasser Arrabyee, a Yemeni journalist based in Sanaa, discusses the large Yemeni protests against the Saudi economic blockade and military aggression; and how President Trump is arming the Saudis far more than Obama was willing to, and enabling them to do whatever they please.
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All right, again introducing our friend Nasser Araby.
He is a reporter out of Sana, Yemen, formerly wrote for the New York Times, and he is the owner and operator of Yemen Now.
It's Yemen Alon, it means Yemen Now, and it's just Yemen-Now.com, and he's been very generous with his time for the last, I don't know, year and a half or so, talking about explaining to us about America's war in, well wars, plural, being waged in Yemen right now.
Welcome back to the show, Nasser.
How are you, sir?
Thank you very much.
I really appreciate you joining us again here on the show today.
So I didn't have anything really specific as far as the news to catch up on other than just that it's the two-year anniversary, and I wanted to give you a chance to explain what the various American wars mean to the people of Yemen so that an American audience can hear you.
So I mean, I guess just in order of importance, you want to start with the humanitarian situation of how the average Yemeni is living now two years into this, the second war here that America started, the big one.
Thank you very much, Scott, for your interest in Yemen, and for the situation here in Yemen after two years.
Now it's more than two years now.
We are now at the beginning of the third year, actually.
The humanitarian situation now, the humanitarian crisis now is described by the UN Deputy Stephen O'Brien as the worst human crisis in the world since the UN was established.
That is more than 70 years.
The worst humanitarian situation in the world now.
This is what the UN Deputy Chief said in the UN Security Council meeting last week.
And this is very close to the reality, because Saudi Arabia unfortunately depended from the very beginning on a blockade from air and from land and from sea with the aim of strangling the Yemenis and with the aim of kneeling them down and making them surrender.
But unfortunately, what happened is opposite now.
There is a humanitarian situation, but Saudi Arabia unfortunately did not achieve what it wanted.
Yemenis are still fighting.
Yemenis are still defying.
And this was very clear in what they did yesterday.
Yesterday the Yemenis celebrated the second anniversary of this U.S.-backed Saudi aggression with the aim of delivering many messages to the world.
The first message was to the U.S. and U.K. leaders.
And this message was, please stop this war on Yemen.
Stop the war and lift the blockade.
Famine and famine in Yemen will be a dangerous thing to everyone, not only to Yemen, to the region and to the world.
This was one of the most important messages that was observed yesterday in the rallies, which was participated by millions from all over Yemen.
The second message was, you would not, also the second message was, you would not, you, that is U.S. and U.K. leaders and Saudi Arabia, because unfortunately Saudi Arabia is seen as a tool in the hand of U.S. and U.K. leaders, unfortunately.
So you would not make the piece of brief, what would be the only thing that would work with Yemen, with Yemenis, not any other thing, not starvation, not bombings, not killing, not anything else.
And the evidence is in the street.
Millions of people after two years, despite all difficulties, despite all hardships, more than 1,200,000 people are without salaries for six, for six months now, for seven months now, seven months, without salary.
And the blockade, as I told you, made everything difficult in this country.
But all this did not prevent people from making the biggest rally maybe in the region.
And I hope you could see some pictures, whether videos, images, or photo.
It was very, very, very big rally.
And as I told you, with many messages, the second message in this rally was also to thank to the Yemeni army, to the Yemeni army and Yemeni fighters.
It was a message of thank, a message of thank for what they did, for the role they played to protect Yemen by fighting the invaders, U.S.-backed Saudi invaders, and also by developing And by making new weapons, despite the blockade, new missiles, they modified many ballistic missiles from the ballistic missiles they had from the Soviet Union time, and they modified it.
And now the Yemeni army has short and medium and long-range ballistic missiles.
The last one was Burqan-2 that hit Saudi Arabia only two weeks ago in Riyadh, in the Salman military base inside Riyadh.
This is the last, the latest ballistic missile that was fired from Yemen.
So the millions of Yemenis who rallied yesterday here wanted also to say thank you to the army, thank you to the fighters, thank you to the missile defense people who made all these things.
The third message from these rallies was to Yemenis, to say this rally was from all over Yemen, from south and north and east and north and east and west, and also with one flag, with one voice, against the Saudi, U.S.-backed Saudi, the U.S.-backed Saudi aggression.
So the first message was to the Americans, to the supporters of the U.S., of the Saudi aggression.
And the second message was to the army.
The third message was to the Yemeni people, that Yemen will remain united despite all difficulties and despite all the attempts of Saudi Arabia to divide Yemen and to make, to help Qaeda to rule, like now some areas in the south.
So this is the situation, and for the military and security, no security incidents here in the north, but there are many security problems in the areas under the control of the Saudi-backed forces, unfortunately.
Not only Qaeda, Qaeda is ruling, but I mean security, like security things, like killing people, like plundering, like many other things, like highway robberies and many other problems.
And for the military situation, it is still the Yemeni fighters are going deeper and deeper in the Saudi lands, in Asir, Najran, and Jizan, achieving many progress.
And this was, this is always documented by war media.
And Saudi Arabia knows what Yemenis mean, what Yemenis mean when they say something and when they are doing something.
So this is the summary of the latest developments now, until now.
You can now ask if you want.
Okay, great.
Thank you very much for that.
So, well, I guess to cut right to the chase here, Nasser, you mentioned how, and this has been apparent, I think, all along, certainly for the last year, there's just, it's just been already proven, I think, the Saudis can not achieve their goal of putting Hadi back on the throne in the capital city of Sanaa, so-called President Hadi, who Hillary Clinton put in power there back in 2012.
So since everybody knows that that is the case, as you said, the war is already blowing back against Saudi Arabia, they're having missiles launched at their cities, and this kind of thing.
So my question is, do you have any indication that Saudi goals have changed, that they are adapting what it is that they're trying to accomplish to the new situation?
Maybe they'll just carve up the south and keep the south and- This is the second point, I hope we can discuss it deeply, so that your audience can understand.
Very good.
I think Saudi Arabia and the Emirates changed their goal now, although it is still, in my analysis, it is still within its goal, because the Saudi Arabia goal is not the declared goal.
Saudi Arabia is fighting in Yemen, not because of Iran, and not because of protecting their legitimacy.
I mean, it is not a civil war, as Saudi Arabia is saying, and it is not a proxy war against Iran.
It is not.
It is only a war against Yemen, because it is Yemen.
So let me now tell you, answer your question, how they try to change their goals, or their tactic, let me say, their tactic, because they feel they are under big pressure now.
Saudi Arabia is under big pressure, because it's two years of billions and billions and billions of dollars spent, and hundreds of thousands of people killed, of Saudi soldiers killed, and of course, weapons and advanced weapons, American advanced weapons, like Bradley and the tanks, what we call it, the Abrams tanks, and many other advanced weapons.
So Saudi Arabia now tries to change its military tactic because of Trump, unfortunately, because bin Salman was with Trump last week in the White House, and he promised- Bin Salman, this is the defense minister, the young new defense minister of Saudi Arabia.
Yes.
Let me tell you and your audience, this is the king.
I can't only tell him they would be king.
This is the real king.
This is the real decision maker.
I think the American high circle in the Trump administration knows that he's the king.
He's not number three, he's number one now.
In fact, Nasser, I think it's pretty well reported that the king is so old and has dementia, and that he can't even really speak with callers at the court without reading his answers off his iPad and this kind of thing, and so it seems like that's pretty much the consensus, as you say.
Exactly, exactly.
His father is very old, and he's now old.
He has all the powers in his hand now, political, security, and economy, all powers, all, without any exception.
Everybody knows this.
This is reported by the U.S. media, and everyone knows it.
Anyway, so he came to the White House and he promised to invest $200 billion in four years there in the U.S., infrastructure and rock oil and all these things.
This money is to gain the support of Trump.
And now, whether Trump would support him more than Obama or not, but Saudi Arabia feels this.
Saudi Arabia feels that Trump would help more.
So what are they going to do?
They are going to strangle Yemenis more, to tighten the blockade.
But they are going to, or they are planning now, to take the coastal city of Hudaydah, the only harbor that Yemenis have now, the only window between Yemen and the world, the only window, and where even the human aid comes from.
So now they try to help, they try to convince the Trump administration that if we take control over this city, over this harbor, everything will be okay.
And this is not right.
First, it will be even more difficult, and they tried, they tried many times, they tried for six months now.
They have been trying for six months with the help of U.S. warships and everything.
And you know, there were many, many incidents, there were many missiles fired to the warships, and a Saudi warship was destroyed, and so they were trying.
It is not new.
But the problem is that they want to convince the U.S. to do an immoral thing, to do inhuman things, by starving Yemenis more, by preventing Yemenis from food and medicine and oil and fuels, more as they are now.
So this point is now discussed in the White House, the defense minister, James Mattis, I think discussed this with Mr. McMaster, the security advisor, the national security advisor, and it is being discussed now.
It is being discussed, but there are people in the administration who oppose, and there are people who support and who agree with this point.
And I think Saudi Arabia and the Emirates would do another adventure here in Yemen by doing this humanitarian problem, by blockading or by stopping the only place that Yemenis receive their food, because Yemenis, to remind you, Yemenis export 90 percent of food from outside.
Now it's only about 20.
What we receive is about 20, about 20 percent.
They want to make it zero now.
They want to make it zero after they prevented, after they prevented people from their salaries in front of the people, in front of the world.
They kidnapped the salaries while on their way from Russia to Yemen.
And this is a fact that is known by everyone.
And they told the U.N. envoy to tell U.N. security that people are receiving their salaries.
Two months, about two months ago, the U.N. envoy, Ismail Woldschenk, told the U.N. Security Council in a brief that Yemenis are getting their salaries.
It is not right.
And I think U.N. now knows that it was not right, and it is not right.
Nobody received their salaries until now, because they, Saudi Arabia, did not agree to give people their salaries.
So they are fighting in Yemen by the economy now, after they failed by military and security.
Security they didn't, they finished their suicide bombers.
And the military, they didn't achieve anything for two years now, at all, just leaving people.
Well, again, though, so if they're going to close the port, they're going to finish, or I don't know, finish, but worsen the war against the civilian population by closing down what's left of international trade.
But still, why?
What do you think that they want now?
They're going to break off the south and have a north and south Yemen again, like it was before?
Yes, this is a good point.
This is a good point.
What is declared, what is declared is that Saudis keep lying that Iran is in Yemen, very strong.
That's right.
Yeah.
And believe me, the, you know, or well, as far as I can tell, and I'm really looking closely at this, it really looks like the Secretary of Defense Mattis that you mentioned earlier, he really believes this crap about Iran being behind everything, everywhere.
So bad news for you, dude.
Yes, many people, many people, unfortunately, many people try to, there is also another one who was in the U.S. Congress yesterday, one who I know personally, that is Gerald Feierstein, the ambassador that he was, he was here for three years in Yemen.
I know him personally.
I met him hundreds of times.
I know why he kept telling Congress that Iran is there.
I know very well.
But unfortunately, they just lie to make U.S. administration now make a stronger decision with Saudis.
And those who want to say this, they are, they have many interests from the Saudis, unfortunately.
They say that Iran is in Yemen and we want to cut the road, to stop Iran from having more and more influence.
In other words, you're saying that you don't think that they've really changed their goals.
They've just upped the propaganda about Iran because they want America to intervene, to double our intervention so that they can, in fact, take back the capital city.
Exactly.
It is not a change.
It is the same thing as I told you from the very beginning.
But what changed now is a new administration and they want to secure its support and they want to make Trump enthusiastic with them and to help them more.
And I think Trump, if he agrees, he would be more blind than even Obama if he helps them in any way, because it's only, even if, let me say, for the sake of argument, let me say that.
Let me suppose that Iran is in Yemen and they want to defeat Iran in Yemen.
All of this is not right.
But if Iran is this and you defeat Iran in Yemen, if you defeat Iran in Yemen, what is the alternative?
What is the, what will replace them?
What will replace Iran?
What will replace Iran?
What is the alternative?
Qaeda and ISIS is the thing that will come and rule in Yemen.
It is the more Saudi Arabia is getting in Yemen, the more Qaeda-ISIS.
It's only Qaeda-ISIS.
Everyone who is fighting with Saudi Arabia now is Qaeda-ISIS, everyone, I'm saying.
I'm responsible for what I'm saying.
No army, no tribesmen, just Qaeda-ISIS, just from the brotherhood, from the military wing of brotherhood.
And the people, missionaries from everywhere, yes.
But Qaeda-ISIS is ruling everywhere Saudi, Saudi come, or Saudi, yes.
If Saudi gets a city or a place or area, then Qaeda is there.
Qaeda, the upper hand is for al-Qaeda, everywhere, in Aden, for example, in the eastern provinces of Hadhramaut, these are Qaeda-ISIS, unfortunately.
The upper hand is for Qaeda-ISIS, and it is even more dangerous to the interest of Trump and the Americans.
And if they, for example, if they take now, if they take Hodeidah, the coastal province of Hodeidah, the western coast, there will be Qaeda-ISIS, for sure.
As we know now, there are many, many security operations there.
Many people arrested as Qaeda, working with them.
If they are there, if Saudi takes Hodeidah, then the international navigation will be under threat, even more, much more than Iran, as they say.
Much, much more.
And by the way, let me say here for the audience, for people who aren't familiar, you know, it's clearly the case that the Islamic State split off from al-Qaeda in Syria back in 2013, and they've killed each other a lot and have a pretty big split.
But Nasser has explained on the show before about how in Yemen, the split between al-Qaeda and ISIS is not so great, and that really it's more or less one in the same group.
And that's why he uses the phrase al-Qaeda-ISIS in a way where you don't usually hear that in any other context.
But it's pretty well established, I think, as far as what's going on in Yemen, and you can address that more if you want.
Yes, I don't differentiate at all between Qaeda and ISIS, at least in Yemen, of course.
I'm talking about Yemen.
Qaeda is ISIS, and ISIS is Qaeda now.
There is some small differences.
I told you many times about people now are going more to ISIS as a new thing, as a new fashion, yes, but it's still the same thing, the same deal, the same ideology, the same tactics and everything, even the same persons.
We know them.
We know some of them.
We know some of the young people and some of them middle-class people, and we know them.
We know how they deal and what they say about Qaeda and ISIS.
Qaeda, it's terrorism, it's caliphate, it's all these things, the same thing.
So let me now finish with you about al-Qaeda.
If they take al-Qaeda, Qaeda-ISIS would be dominating there like Aden now.
If people want any evidence, if any Americans or any Western observer or any one of those who are interested in Yemen and in Qaeda-ISIS, in south now, Saudi-backed forces and Emirates have been for one year and many months in the south, and unfortunately they did not do anything.
The people, the local people are complaining, and the security is zero, and Qaeda-ISIS is doing their job much better than any other place, doing their job and recruiting, expanding, and arming themselves from the most advanced weapons.
And many of the American advanced weapons fell in the hand of al-Qaeda and ISIS in the south and in other places where Saudi Arabia tried to find some people to fight with them.
So it's even dangerous, even if they say Iran is in Yemen and they defeat Iran.
It is very dangerous to think or to do things blindly like Saudi Arabia is doing now in Yemen.
All right, now the Washington Post article that I think you're referring to here is Trump administration weighs deeper involvement in Yemen war.
It's from the 26th, and it's about how Mattis wants President Trump to allow him to lift all restrictions on aid to our Gulf state partners in this war, the UAE and the Saudis, of course, above all, and wants to use special operations forces to take this port, as you're saying, that will, you know, you're predicting anyway, obviously seems pretty clear, is going to end up leading to them turning the port over to ISIS and the Islamic State by the time they're done there, because there's really no other force in the south to take it.
And, you know, as I'm, I read this, but I'm looking back through it now.
They do mention al-Qaeda down at the bottom as kind of an afterthought, which is about how this war has been.
You know, they fought this drone war for 2009 through 15.
Obama did this drone war, and I know you covered it for the New York Times for years there.
But now for the last two years, we've been fighting for him.
And now, you know, with this raid, they did the big raid.
That seems to indicate that they want to clamp down against al-Qaeda, too.
But it certainly seems from the read in the Washington Post here that the emphasis is on the Houthis and Iranian power in Yemen.
We've got, above all, we've got to get the Houthis out of Yemen.
And yet, but that means Saleh's forces, too.
And what percent of the army is actually still loyal to Saleh and now is in alliance with the Houthis?
And what level?
I mean, it seems like if starvation isn't working, it's going to take an American invasion of sending in the Marines to get the Houthis and Saleh and his men out of Sana'a.
Am I wrong about that?
You see, this Washington Post article is based on three things.
A big lie, a Saudi big lie, that is Iran always.
And the second thing is Mattis, General Mattis, James Mattis, is very extremist against Iran, and he has very extremist views on Iran, and this is up to him.
But he tries to convince the administration about the dangers of Iran and this and this and this.
The third point is the ambassador I told you, the ambassador in Yemen, who was here and he was under the influence of the Brotherhood, unfortunately, in a way or another, he took only the view of those people.
And from that time, he keeps only talking about Iran, as if he were only one of them.
So he's just defending the Brotherhood, which means to me, I argued with him many times in face to face, which means Qaeda-ISIS.
So the article ignored not only the army and the millions of people who were talking to the streets yesterday, and who everybody knows, but they ignored the threat that United States is concerned about, the big threat, the real threat, the real threat now is Qaeda-ISIS.
And the biggest threat and the biggest concern for Trump now, as he keeps saying, is Qaeda-ISIS.
But unfortunately, now they try, the people who want other things, they talk about another danger, about another threat, which is Iran.
But if they say Iran, Iran, if they keep saying Iran, Iran, Iran, but why they are killing Yemenis this way?
Why they are killing Yemenis?
I mean, Yemen now is paying very, very, very high price for nothing.
Yeah.
Well, and the whole thing about Iran, as you're saying, even assuming that it was true, the policy is still horrible.
But it's just not true, too.
And I interviewed, I think, a Dutch or a Belgian expert on this named Joost Hilterman, who wrote a thing for foreign policy called The Houthis Are Not Hezbollah, where he explained, and I interviewed him on the show, and he said, you know, and we already know Gareth Porter has debunked the accusations that Iran was shipping weapons, you know, on a case by case basis, where either the ship wasn't really going to Yemen, it was going to Somalia, or it wasn't even an Iranian ship or whatever it was, or it was an Iranian ship, but it didn't have any weapons on it, I guess was the other one.
Anyway, Hilterman was saying, even if Gareth Porter hadn't debunked these specific accusations about arms transfers, even if you just accepted the premise that, OK, Iran has shipped a few ships full of light arms to the Houthis, well, still, so what?
I mean, that hardly amounts to anything in this massive war.
And when, as we've talked about, much of the army, I don't know what proportion again, but much of the army has joined forces with the Houthis.
So all those guns are the ones that Obama gave them from 2009 through 2015, or 14 or 13.
So anyway, so all this, what Hilterman was saying was basically just that this whole thing about Iran being behind this, even if you accepted the premises behind the accusation, he said the accusation still basically amounts to nothing.
The accusation basically amounts to the Iranians are rooting for the Houthis.
And in fact, if anything, all this pink, all this finger pointing at Iran and blaming Iran is actually giving them a win with them not even having to do anything as they get to look like they're frustrating the Saudis to such a great degree and they get to stay home.
This is the problem.
The problem is that there are some American diplomats and officials, senior officials like James Mattis, who want to portray Iran as a big danger and a threat, the biggest one.
And at the same time, ignoring Saudi Arabia, ignoring, let me say, Qaeda, ISIS.
This is I think the most dangerous thing that we observe now, because it's not, I mean, United States has all the right to protect their interests in the way they like, in the way they see right.
Everybody agrees on this, but now it's just lying.
They lie.
And this is very dangerous to them.
They lie that they lie about missiles, ballistic missiles.
They say the ballistic missiles, I told you, the locally modified ballistic missiles we have now, Yemeni army has now, they say that they were brought from Iran.
Now, this is impossible, impossible.
And they keep, they push it this way.
They push it this way in a way to persuade Trump to do something which will be much, much dangerous than any other thing.
I mean, the US is involved, already involved in the Saudi aggression in Yemen.
Everybody knows.
But they want it to be even more and more, deeper and deeper.
And this is very dangerous for Yemenis, they don't care at all.
I mean, they are fighting and they will keep fighting and they will not surrender at all because they lost everything and they have nothing more to lose now.
But would Trump do such a pointless thing or dangerous thing?
This is the question.
All right, so listen, I'm sorry I've kept you on so long, but let's wrap up sort of where we started here with the humanitarian situation, because as I know that you're painfully aware of the media, the virtual media blackout on this issue in America.
If we hear anything about the war, it's just about the mean old Iranians or whatever kind of excuses for American policy.
We never get to really hear, hey, guess what Oxfam says about what we're doing to these people.
So back to the original point, as you said at the beginning, this is a country because of really IMF intervention and so forth in the first place.
They said, hey, Yemen, instead of growing food you can eat, you should grow food that you can sell on the global market and then buy and import your food, which is great, right, for the division of labor and and global freedom and lower prices for all consumers everywhere.
And yet it means that if we go to war against you, we can strangle you now and you'll be helpless before us.
So here's this poorest country in the entire Arab world.
I guess it's tied for poverty with Somalia across the strait there.
And they import 90 percent of their food.
And then America, the global superpower and their Saudi sidekicks put them under a blockade.
And as you're saying, as as the U.N. is saying, as every NGO is saying, there are men, women and children grandparents and babies who are starving to death.
In this war, so please tell the Americans whatever you think they need to know about what's really going on, what it's really like to be living under this American policy now.
Well, let me let me tell you that Saudi Arabia wants to draw the American new administration to the quagmire it is in now, because it's Saudi Arabia doesn't know what to do, because the longer the war, the more frustrated and the more failed it feels, the Saudi Arabia feels.
And they try to, they try to, to, to, to, to enlist the help, the American help to be there because they want to tell themselves and the people that they are in the right direction.
Let me tell you one point, why they are focusing on the starving people.
They are focusing on the starving people because also they miscalculate.
They miscalculate the people, the people who are now with the army and the Yemeni fighters.
They say only they lie that they occupy 75 percent.
This is what they say in Saudi media and everywhere.
Because they have this, they have the so-called legitimate president and so-called legitimate government, and they say they are controlling or 75 percent is under their control.
And the people is the population or the popularity they have is 90 percent.
This is not right.
And the people who saw the rally of yesterday would say, no, their popularity is zero.
And they, they don't, if they, they don't occupy the 75 percent of Yemen, of Yemeni land at all, because if they have all these things, they would do something.
They would do a good example, but they don't do a good example.
So they, so they just want to, to strangle the people by the, by their food, by their basic life needs and supply in order to have people easily, in order to have people surrendered.
And this is the impossible because Yemeni people, Yemeni people yesterday were carrying big axes, big axes to say, we are going to grow wheat and to make our own food.
You are not going to kneel us down.
You are not going to, to make us surrender.
You are not going to, to, to, to, to take our country by, by, by force.
So this is how they stupidly deal with Yemen.
So you're saying, you're saying, Nasser, you're saying that the, the famine isn't that bad as, as much as they're saying in that it's, they're basically, even though they're causing it, they're using it really just as war propaganda so that they can escalate, using it as an excuse for further intervention.
But you're saying that the Yemeni people are adapting to the blockade, basically, and they're feeding each other one way or another, rather than starving to death.
Is that right?
See, one of their senior officials said, and keep saying, Saudi officials, keep saying that dismantling, dismantling the central bank is more important than the UN Resolution 2216, which means that it is okay, we discovered good thing.
We take their salaries, we take their food, we take their water, we take everything, and then we win.
This is how they think.
And this is a big immoral problem to the world.
It is a big shame, big disgrace to let them even talk about these things.
But you're saying, you're, you're not, you're not saying that there's not a problem.
You're just saying that it's not going to ultimately work in terms of forcing the Salahouthi coalition to surrender to them, because they can adapt to some degree.
There is a humanitarian problem.
They are making it from the very beginning for two years now.
But at the same time, they will never, ever win by this way.
And the reality is, the reality now is our evidence now.
Six months without salaries, and people are still living there.
They are ready to die, because what they can, what they can do, what they can do.
But now, as I told you yesterday, they took to the streets, millions, in that big rally, that historic rally of yesterday, with their big axe, with their big axes, which means, which simply means that they would cultivate the land, they would go to the land, and they would plow, and they will grow wheat, and barley, and sorghum, and everything, and to depend on themselves.
But they would not give in, they would not surrender.
This is, I mean, there is a big resilience.
Hey, let me ask one last thing.
When was the last time the New York Times invited you to write for them?
It's not only two years, as you said, I've been writing for the New York Times for five years, and for media, for media in general, for me, and Western media for 20 years, for about 20 years, from 1990, from 2000, let me say, 17 years, Western.
So, I've been writing for New York Times and others.
I mean, I found you through the Carnegie Endowment.
No, I choose not to write for them because of my opinion.
It's still open for me if I want to write, but I can't now because of my opinion, that's it.
Yeah, well, yeah, I'd be interested to hear what would happen if you wrote a hard news piece about, or a news analysis piece about the position of the Yemeni people right now, the position they're in, and what they're doing about it, and what the long-term outlook is, and that kind of thing, and see what they say.
I guess they probably wouldn't run it.
There are a lot of people who are now writing good writings, and we have a lot of things to, a lot of outlets to write, so there is no need to just to pretend that I am moderate, or as they call it, or something like this.
But now there are many outlets for me to express my clear view without any sugarcoating, because I don't like sugarcoating in such a big, dangerous thing.
Yeah, well, I'm with you there, and you certainly don't sugarcoat it.
All right, so thank you again, Nasser.
I'm really sorry about what's happening here.
As you can tell, I lost a lot of interest because of my outspeaking, but I don't care at all, at all.
No, I understand, and you shouldn't either.
Although I know how to be euphemist, I know how to sugarcoat, because I know what they want, what they want me to do and to say, but I can't at all, and I told everybody that I can't.
Yeah.
Well, I mean, there may be a way to write just hard news with no opinion in it, but without sugarcoating it necessarily, but not that I think that you would get the real truth by the New York Times editors anyway, but it's an interesting thought experiment.
Thank you very, very much.
Thank you very much, Nasser.
I really appreciate it, and again, I'm really sorry about what my country is doing to yours, as always.
Thank you very much, and I always feel that we find a lot of free people everywhere, and we know that the crimes are crimes against everyone.
Terror is terror, everyone.
Terror is terror.
What happened in London last week and everywhere is terror, but sometimes we are different in explanation, unfortunately.
Yeah.
All right.
Well, thank you again, Nasser.
I really appreciate it.
Thank you very much, Dr. Barra.
All right, so that is Nasser Araby.
You can find him at yemen-now.com, yemen-now.com, and well, just put in his name into your search machine, and you'll find all kinds of articles going back years and years explaining what's up there.
That's Scott Horton Show.
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